12 October 2010

A Report on People's Uprising in Nandigram



 (Sources: Different News papers and websites)

On 7 January 2007, 8 villagers (not confirmed) were killed and at least 20 people were seriously wounded in overnight clashes between local peasants resisting land acquisition and some 'outsider' cadres of the ruling party (CPI-M) in Nandigram of East Midnapore district, West Bengal though the opposition party leaders and local people's organisation for protection of farmland claimed 11 casualties. An industrial zone is to be built in Nandigram with help from Indonesian conglomerate the Salim Group, but the project has faced strong resistance from the farmers refusing to give up their land.

In the wee hours of the 7th morning (Sunday) at Sonachura village, Nandigram-1 Block there was bombing and firing, where about 8 people died including a 13 year old boy named Biswajit Maity. Villagers alleged that a gang of hooligans of  CPI(M) dressed in police uniforms, threw bombs and fired many gunshots at villagers patrolling on the other side of the Sonachura Bhangabera Bridge over the Talpati Canal. Local people asserted the attack was organised by the CPI(M) goons who started throwing bombs from across the river at Khejuri-2 towards Nandigram.

Most of those killed and injured were members of the newly-formed "Bhoomi Uchched Pratirodh Committee" (Committee to Resist Eviction from Land) that is leading the movement against forcible land acquisition. It was reported that 4 of those who died were Bharat Mondal (Sonachura), Biswajit Maity (Soudkhali Purbapalli), Sk. Salim (Uttarpara, 7 No. Jalpai) and Shankar Samanta (Son of Sudhansu Samanta, Sonachura). The last one was a CPI(M) leader assassinated by the villagers to take revenge of mass killings. Kolkata TV, a Bengali news channel, showed footage of a bullet-riddled Bharat Mandal (28), a member of the Bhumi Uchched Pratirodh Committee (BUPC), collapsing. He was taken to a medical facility in a rickshaw van but died early Sunday. Bharat had two daughters and a son. Bodies of the dead and the injured were brought to the Nandigram Block Hospital. Two other victims, Anukul Mondal and Nishikanta Barman were seriously injured and moved to SSKM Hospital. Villagers and police both failed to throw light on death toll and the persons missing since 7th midnight.

After the massacre about 5 thousand local people set the CPI(M) camp at Satkhanda in Khejuri-2 block and the house of a local CPI-M leader, Mr Sudhansu Samanta, ablaze. The police remained mute spectators, not entering into the strife torn villages despite the violence. But a large contingent of police patrolled the outskirts of the village and was watching the situation very closely. Mr Arun Gupta, IG (Western Range) pleaded inaccessibility citing dug-up roads and said the presence of policemen in Nandigram would only add fuel to the fire. Director-general of police (Midnapore range) Mr NR Babu echoed Mr Arun Gupta when he pleaded inaccessibility. He said, “Armed villagers are patrolling the fringes and we feared violence in case police try to move in.” However, the Rapid Action Force was deployed in Nandigram after the violence even as other party leaders of Left Front demanded an immediate meeting of the Front to discuss the situation. Since police failed to enter the villages, it could not be confirmed if the violence had claimed more lives.

The problem started on the 3rd of January 2007. With the Singur fire still blazing, violence exploded again over a project for Indonesia's Salim Group when police lathi-charged and fired several rounds on villagers gathered to protest against acquisition of their farmlands at Nandigram. 4 villagers including a 15 year old boy were injured in the firing. Then the livid mass set on fire a police jeep and 9 police men were wounded.

After Singur, the Left Front Government of West Bengal is now going to grab around 22,500 acres agricultural and homestead  land in Nandigram of East Midnapore district for construction of a multi-product SEZ (Special Economic Zone) and a mega Chemical Hub. On 31 July 2006, the West Bengal government signed an agreement with the Salim Group of Indonesia (well known as anti-trade union and anti-worker employers under the Suharto regime)  for this purpose. Construction of a four-lane road bridge over the Haldi River linking between Haldia port and the proposed SEZ in Nandigram  had also been planned.
Nandigram (about 150 km from Kolkata near the Haldia port town) is a minority dominated area (61% Muslim community) and traditionally has been a left citadel, voting time and again for successive Left Front Governments in the state. The Nandigram assembly seat is held by the CPI while the Haldia Lok Sabha seat belongs to the CPI(M). In last Panchayat election CPI(M) won 55 seats and CPI got 20 seats in total 136 seats of Nandigram-1 block. In total 23 seats of Panchayat Samity, 16 seats belong to the left parties. But faced with the apprehension of losing their land and abode to proposed SEZ, thousand of villagers have now organised themselves into a single body to resist the looming land acquisition.

Since last year, peasants and fishermen communities of Nandigram are strongly opposing such despotic acquisition of farmland and homestead land. They formed two independent people's organisations named "Gana Unnayan and Jana Adhikar Sangram Samity" (Association for Mass Development and People's Rights)  and "Krishi Jami O Janaswartha Raksha Committee" (Committee for protection of agricultural lands and public interest) to protect their life and livelihoods.[1] On the last week of December, 2006 a meeting was called up by CPI(M) MP Mr. Lakshman Seth at Chanditala to convince the local people in favour of land acquisition. But the villagers strongly raised their voice of protest against this autocratic decision of the government. On 7th of last month, social activist Medha Patkar along with Swapan Ganguly, General Secretary of PBKMS and other activists visited the area to support the villagers resisting the acquisition.

On  2nd January 2007, Mr. Lakshman Seth, the Chairman of Haldia Development Authority (HDA) and CPI(M) MP, officially declared that in the first phase of the land acquisition about 14,500 acres of land of 27 moujas of Nandigram-1 block and 2 moujas of Khejuri-2 block would be acquired. It was also announced that the land of Nandigram block would be acquired shortly since the Salim Group would build a mega Chemical Hub (10,000 acres) and another industrialist group of Pawan Ruia would set up a Shipbuilding and repairing unit (2500 acres) there. The rest of the land (2000 acres) would be used for disposal of alluvium dredged from the river bed of Haldia Port. Mr. Seth reported that the list of earmarked moujas had already been sent to the concerned Gram Panchayats. The notice mentioned the names of 29 moujas at the Nandigram-1 and Khejuri-2 blocks that had primarily been sort listed for the Salim-promoted chemical hub.

The notice fuelled rumours that district magistrate Mr. Anup Agarwal would visit personally to acquire the land. A large number of  villagers assembled at Kalicharanpore No. 9 Gram Panchayat office of Garchakraberia in Nandigram on 3rd January to express and their refusal to part with their land. But their outrage and protest action was responded by atrocious manhandling and straightforward violation of human rights by the Left Front Government police. The villagers alleged that the left party Panchayat pradhan Samerun Biwi called the police and the protesters were brutally assaulted at Bhuta More nearly 100 meter away from the Panchayat office when they were on a peaceful rally. After being assailed the unarmed villagers of Sonachura, Osmanchak, Jalpai, Garchakraberia and other villages resisted the police to protect themselves. The villagers damaged all the roads and bridges as well as blocked the roads with boulders and tree trunks to prevent the police force entering the village. The villagers including a large number of women started patrolling the locality with staves, brooms, sickles, swords, and other weapons to prevent the entry of policemen. Sensing trouble, the police remained restraint for the time being.

Meanwhile, Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya claimed that no notification had yet been issued for land acquisition in Nandigram. Home Secretary Mr. Prasad Ranjan Roy also stated that it was deliberate rumour.

Tension prevailed in Nandigram while a local CPI(M) office at Rajaramchak was ransacked on the 5th January by the excited villagers. Some of the CPI(M) leaders have fled the villages, while much of their rank and file joined the anti-land acquisition movement. Following 3rd January's incident, the CPI(M) workers set up 'check posts' at places on way to Nandigram to 'scrutinise' the entry of people even though the administration has not yet imposed Section 144 CrPC. Even the Journalists alleged that they were stopped at a distance of 9 km from Nandigram by the CPI(M) cadres who 'patrolled' the area.

On 6th January, 2007 Saturday, at least 22 mass organisations formed the "Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee" (BUPC) to prevent any move to acquire land for the proposed project by the Salim group and the state government even as CPI(M) activists flexed their muscles and drew a battle line with the irate farmers and residents.

In the meantime, the CPI(M) formed a no. of camps that surround the protesting villages. The villages are in four Gram Panchayats namely Garchakraberia, Soudkhali, Kalicharanpur and Sonachura, and have a population of about 60-70,000 people. Arms were being amassed in each of these camps. The plan was clearly one of "cleansing" the villages of dissenters. The CPI(M) seemed to be going about this in an organised manner. On the 6th, it was reported that Sushanto Ghosh, one of the CPI (M) Ministers, and Lakshman Seth, the MP from Haldia, gave provocative speeches in the area, exciting their members to take action on those opposing acquisition.

Sushanto Ghosh has the dubious reputation of masterminding the CPI(M) operation to convert "Keshpur", an area with a number of TMC supporters into a CPI(M) stronghold in 2000 through "cleansing" operations using anti-socials and cadres. Lakshman Seth has been one of the strongest proponents of industrialisation in Haldia and has been active in helping in forcible land acquisition. In fact it is memories of this acquisition from which people in Haldia suffered a great deal that is making the people of neighbouring Nandigram very wary of the Government's policies.

In middle of all these, to add fuel to fire Benoy Konar, the President of the Krishak Sabha [the Peasant wing of CPI(M)] gave statements to the press. In an article in Bartaman, January 7, 2007 titled "Chardik Theke ghire palta mar dewa hobe, Benoy Konarer Hunkar" ( We’ll surround from four sides and hit back, Benoy Konar’s threat) he said that “ora astra niye ele amra ki chup kore thakbo?Darkar hole oder dakhale thaka charti gram panchayate elaka chardike theke ghire fele jiban jerar kore debo. Tokhon ora moja ter pabe.  (If they bring weapons shall we stay quiet? If necessary then we’ll surround from all sides all the four gram panchayats and make life hell for them. Then they will understand the fun.)

Ora lathi niye ele kintu ebar amrao lathi hatei ta rukhbo” (If they bring sticks then we’ll also take up sticks to stop them)
… Amra onek sanjamer parichay dichchi. Keshpureo Trinamul eyi line niyechilo. Shesh porjonto okhane je fal hoyechilo ta sabai dekheche..” ( We have shown a lot of tolerance. In Keshpur Trinamul had taken this line. In the end everybody saw what the result was.)

CPI(M) district Secretary, Ashoke Guria  reflected the words and thoughts of Benoy Konar. when he said on 5th that "if they pick up weapons and unleash terror than can we be quiet? There will be a political resistance. We have shown enough tolerance. But we have to think of how long we are going to remain quiet.". Local party sources said that Rabiul Hossein and Khejuri Panchayat Samity president Himanshu Das had been given in charge of the cadre force in the camps.

The family members of the martyrs who were killed in violence here as well as those whose houses and shops were ransacked by the offenders had identified 4 men who once had struck terror at Keshpur. Seikh Rabiul Islam, Kebal Das, Satya Das and Shankar Patra whom the villagers of Sonachura believed to be leaders of the CPI(M)’s “cadre bahini” were seen wielding weapons from neighbouring Khejuri block across the Talpati bridge and targeting innocent members and supporters of the BUPC early on 7th morning.

According to Mr Narayan Bhunia, a resident of Sonachura village, the CPI(M)’s “cadre bahini” had been assembling at some houses in Khejuri about seven days back. They were also carrying weapons that included automatic firearms and stocking them at these houses. On 7th January, in the shadow of the midnight these armed men allegedly crossed over from Satkhanda of Khejuri-2 Block to Sonachura via the Bhangabera bridge and took shelter at the house of Shankar Samanta, a member of the CPI(M) controlled Sonachura 10 number Gram Panchayat. Mr Pranab Manna, another eyewitness to that incident, said the armed men started firing indiscriminately at a peaceful gathering of the BUPC that led to the deaths of 3 people. “We could only throw some stones in retaliation as we don’t have any firearms here. As day broke, we could identify Rabiul, Kebal, Satya and Shankar as they kept firing on us from Shankar Samanta’s house,” he said.

Soon after these men of Keshpur fame fled, an angry mob attacked Shankar Samanta’s house and set it ablaze. Shankar Samanta died from burns. The mob also attacked the house of Mr Lakshman Mondal, the pradhan of the panchayat but he escaped somehow. The mob ransacked the house and had reportedly seized a revolver from his house.

However, local CPI (M) leaders refuted the allegations of "carrying out an attack" on the villagers and claimed that the peasants supported by the rival TMC workers 'lynched' their party-members. CPI(M) district Secretary Ashoke Guria said, "Trinamul workers have kidnapped some of our party members".

Chief minister Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee blamed the Jamiyet-E-Ulemae-Hind for resorting to a “communal campaign” to incite violence in Nandigram. He said: “Quite a few political parties, including Trinamul Congress, Congress, SUCI and Naxalites joined the (anti-land acquisition) campaign to spread confusion. Jamiyet in particular started an ugly communal campaign. This (six deaths) is an unfortunate incident, no matter activists of which party perished in the clash.”
The Left Front Chairman Mr. Biman Bose said his combine would oppose the bandh as he believed the violence at Nandigram since 3 January was the handiwork of the Trinamul, Naxalites and the SUCI.

On 7th January, the affected villages were visited by a group of leaders from all important political parties and various mass organisations. Mr. Swapan Ganguly from PBKMS was also part of this delegation. They met Arun Gupta,  IG (Western range) who was also in charge of police operations in Singur, Anup Agarwal, the District Magistrate and the Superintendent of police. They asked the police to see that peace is restored in the area and that cases are filed against the murderers of the 8 people who were killed and against those making provocative statements.

The police had not entered the area to give protection to any of the aggrieved parties. Instead it organised a meeting with all political parties opposing the acquisition on the 6th January, where all the parties and important groups (Trinamul, Congress , SUCI, Jamiet-E-Ulemae-Hind and CPI(ML)Liberation) promised to maintain peace in the area, while the police agreed to not go in.
Nandigram turned into a combat zone as villagers blew conch shells and moved with swords, sickles and staves sounding a bugle of war against the CPI(M) and the state administration following the move to get hold of land for the SEZ. The situation has remained explosive since then, prompting Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and the CPI(M) to go on the back foot even as the Left Front constituent parties like CPI, RSP, and Forward Block criticised the government for its land acquisition policies.

BUPC called a 24-hour bandh at Nandigram on 7th while SUCI called another bandh in the area on 9th in protest against CPI(M) violence on the farmers whose land was being grabbed for the proposed industrial project of the Salim group. The Congress and the SUCI also called for a 24-hour bandh in Bengal on 8th, while the Trinamool, CPI (ML) Liberation and BJP separately called for a 12-hour state-wide bandh in West Bengal on the same day to protest CPI(M) atrocities on political opponents at Nandigram and killings of poor farmers.
6 activists of CPI(ML) Liberation, including students of Jadavpur University and New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), were arrested from Nandigram after the flare-up. The party alleged that the police falsely incriminated their workers who had gone there for fact finding. CPI(ML) Liberation demanded arrest of CPI(M) leaders Benoy Konar and Lakshman Seth for issuing provocative statements.

On 8th January, stray incidents of violence marked the All Bengal Strike called by the oppositions in the state. Normal life was disrupted and the situation continued to remain tense at Nandigram. Locals there continued round-the-clock vigilance to check further infiltration. Violence continued as men armed with automatic firearms and dressed in black had started firing in the early hours on 8th and the villagers set a CPI(M) office ablaze at Bhekutia, Dinabondhupur around 6 A.M. at dawn. It was alleged that a shop owned by a local CPI(M) leader was also ransacked by the mob. The villagers chased a police troop at Dinabandhupur when they tried to enter the village. Officer in Charge of  Nandigram PS Mr. Shyamal Roy had been transferred and it was reported that Panskura OC Mr Shekhar Roy would take over from him.
Sporadic incidents of violence were reported across all districts of South Bengal with at least 5 people, including a woman, injured in Fakirbazar area near Shibpur in Howrah, after bandh supporters allegedly threw a petrol bomb on a packed Shibpur-bound SBSTC bus around 2 p.m. 11 more people were injured in 3 separate clashes between bandh supporters and their rivals in Kadambagachi and Duttapukur in North 24-Parganas and in Bhangar in South 24-Parganas, respectively. In Durgapur, police lathicharged a Congress-led procession near Bhiringhee while a CPI(ML)office was allegedly set on fire by some CPI(M)-backed activists at Pandaveswar.

In north Bengal, 11 people were hurt in two separate clashes between SUCI and CPI(M) supporters at Gosanimari and Chengrabandha in Cooch Behar while police lathicharged bandh supporters in Malda district. The bandh also affected life in Jalpaiguri, North and South Dinajpur and Darjeeling districts.

In Kolkata, bandh supporters clashed with police at Hazra crossing. Police lathi-charged on the rally of Bandh supporters. Streets wore a deserted look with only state-run buses and trams plying. In all, 373 people, including 37 women, were arrested in Kolkata. Some state and private buses were damaged and roadblocks were put up near Hazra, Kidderpore, Gariahat, Maniktala, Palmer Bazar and Entally. Train services, in both South Eastern Railway and the Eastern Railway divisions, were disrupted.

On 8th January, an all-party meeting called by the district administration was held at Tamluk. Representatives of all political parties and the administration agreed on four points: 1) any government notice on land acquisition will be issued only after discussions with all political parties; 2) there must not be any political camp within a 5 km radius of the trouble-prone area; 3) roads will be repaired at the earliest to make the villages accessible and; 4) the points of agreement will be announced all over the district. After this meet police and paramilitary personnel from five districts started camping at the border of Nandigram.

Meanwhile, Khokan Shit, a Sonachura resident, was arrested by Thekhali outpost police while accompanying a cameraman. Members of the BUPC met the IG (Western Range) and demanded Khokan be released forthwith. They said his detention would further antagonise the Nandigram villagers.
Shri Biman Bose, Chairman of the Left Front made a statement on 8th January, 2007 which was telecast by 24 Ghanta, ETV and other channels. He had stated that the violent events in Nandigram were planned on 3rd December 2006 during a meeting at the four storied house of one Tapan Khatua (Son of Manas Khatua) in Nandigram in the presence of Medha Patkar.

But the truth is Medha was arrested from Singur on 2nd December 2006 and spent the night of the 2nd and most of 3rd December in a police van at Hungerford Street. She was in Kolkata on 3rd night and on the 4th left from Howrah in the morning to be arrested once again on her way to Singur at 11.30 on the 4th December 2006. In fact, Medha Patkar was followed by the police all through out her visit in Kolkata from the 2nd to the 10th of December 2006. Moreover, Medha Patkar is known as a non violent Gandhian. This is one more instance where Shri Bose is using lies to cover up the autocratic and brutal actions of his party and their Government to suppress people’s movements.

National Alliance of People’ Movements (NAPM) of which Medha Patkar is a very important member condemned this malicious statement. On 9th in a press release they said "This is just one more untruth from Shri Biman Bose and members of his party , where they are following Goebbels’ policy in Hitler’s Germany of repeating lies again and again in order to turn them into beliefs". They also condemned the repeated attempts by Mr. Biman Bose to perpetrate untruths. Later on, a case of defamation was filed against him.

On 9th January, in a major climb-down, chief minister Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee conceded “it was a mistake” on part of the Haldia Development Authority to have issued a notice for acquisition of land at Nandigram and instructed the district magistrate to “tear it up”. Mr Bhattacharjee said the HDA notice “created all confusion” even before land acquisition could start at Nandigram. The CM was also categorical that no land-mapping would begin at Nandigram before talking to villagers “down to the grassroots level” and explaining to them every aspect of the project.

In Nandigram an uneasy tranquil prevailed as police failed to make peace with the BUPC and the trouble-torn area continued to remain beyond administrative control. On 9th January, fresh violence was reported in the evening. An unidentified man was allegedly assaulted by the villagers in Soudkhali, near Garhchakraberia after a few blasts in the village around 9 p.m. The villagers, who claimed the man was an "outsider", found him near the spot where the bombs exploded. He was held captive by the villagers and then handed over to local police.

Superintendent of Police, East Midnapore, Mr. Ashok Dutta said police did not push in because discussions with the agitating activists had ended in a stalemate and things still remained tense. Police Officers came clean that any attempt to edge into the tense villages would foment trouble as the villagers consider police to be government agents. Local leaders were urged by the SP to pacify villagers and try to bring back peace to the area. Police was compelled to release Khokon Shit arrested on 8th.

Mr Bhabani Prasad Das, a member of the BUPC said: “Some men sneaked into Char-Kendamari village from the Haldia side and torched the betel plantation of Mr Chandan Bhuian.” A Sonachura resident alleged: “Around 1 a.m, a few men inched up to Gangra near Jellingham project in a boat and hurled a few bombs.” Policemen set camp in Dinabondhupur, Tekhali and Bhangabhera.

On 9th January, Industries Secretary of West Bengal Mr Sabyasachi Sen said that the chemical hub, was “actually” the initiative of the Union petroleum and chemicals ministry which wants to set up a petrochemical and petroleum investment region (PCPIR) in one of the coastal, sea-faring states. Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal were considered. A task-force was formed by the Prime Minister’s Office which finally chose Haldia and Dahej in Gujarat for the project because of its location, connectivity and resources. According to the PCPIR policy, the hub is to be built on 250 sq km or about 62,000 acres of land, while 40 per cent of the area, which comes to about 25,000 acres, is earmarked for the manufacturing zone. Mr. Sen tried to explain that the zone is to be given the status of an SEZ so that investors can be given special incentives without which, such a huge area can’t be developed before actual manufacturers step in. The Haldia Development Authority, according to him, was asked to make a survey of land in 17 moujas of Nandigram for subsequent acquisition. The HDA has no authority to acquire land which is vested with the district collector. Obviously, lack of preparations and the failure of the state government to allay fears of farmers who would be displaced led to the fiasco over the survey. The policy, it is now being emphasised, is not to touch dwelling units and places of worship. Nor is it imperative to acquire continuous land for the project. “Land can be fragmented and different plots can be linked, if needed, by laying new roads,” Mr Sen said.

On 9th January CPI(M) cadres and police brutally assaulted a group of college students when they were on rally at A. J. C. Bose Road near CPI(M) office at Alimuddin Street, Kolkata in protest against the carnage at Nandigram. They were intercepted before they could reach the CPI(M) headquarters. Eleven students were arrested and were taken to Lalbazar. The students had gathered at Moulali crossing around 3 p.m. under the banner of "Chhatrachatri  Samhati Mancha", a new outfit representing several student bodies owing allegiance to different political organisations. There were several students from Presidency College and Jadavpur University

On 10th January, police for the first time ventured into Nandigram as few roads were repaired overnight in view of the NDA delegation’s visit. But the villages continued to retain detached as roads were dug up and blockades were put back in place as the NDA delegation left Nandigram.

A meeting between the SDO, Haldia and members of the BUPC that went on till late night ended in a stalemate. The members of the committee said if the state government does not issue a notification proclaiming that they would not acquire any land at Nandigram immediately, then they would intensify their movement in the area. Mr Shankar Halder, SDO, Haldia, stated that they would begin repairing roads leading to Nandigram as soon as peace is restored in the entire area.
In the meantime, a new forum under aegis of CPI(M)’s farmers’ wing, Krishak Sabha, was formed that would begin campaigning in favour of land acquisition and the proposed SEZ in Nandigram. Mr Ashok Guria, district Krishak Sabha leader, said that this committee known as "Krishi o Shilpo Unnoyan Samiti"  had been formed to make people of Nandigram understand the need of the SEZ here.

Even in the midst of such a turmoil at Nandigram over acquisition of farm land for setting up the mega chemical hub, the Salim Group reaffirmed its commitment to implement all its projects - the SEZ at Nandigram, Haldia and building roads and bridges at Kukrahati and Baruipur. Mr Prasun Mukherjee, a partner of the consortium led by the Salim Group, met Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee on 10th and discussed the projects. He said the group had left it to the state government to acquire land for the SEZ and would await the realignment of the land.

Tension persisted at Nandigram as another all-party meeting to find a solution ended in a stalemate on 11th January. Reports of armed CPI(M) cadres mobilising near the Khejuri side of the trouble-torn area infused fear in the villagers who had taken to patrolling wielding bamboo sticks.
Earlier on 11th, a meeting between the Nandigram BDO and representatives of the BUPC proved fruitless yet again with the administration insisting that the villagers first allow the government to repair roads and bridges damaged in the recent violence. Representatives of BPUC walked out of the meeting demanding the administration first ensure that all political camps be removed from a 5-km radius of the trouble-prone area. Since a CPI(M) camp was yet to be shifted out of the specified sphere, they said they would not allow the administration to start repair work.

CPI(M) MP Mr Lakhshman Seth visited Khejuri to attend the funeral of Shankr Samanta, a CPI(M) gram panchayat member of Sonachura who was killed in the violence on 7th morning. Mr Seth accused the Trinamul Congress of having fed the people wrong ideas of industrialisation and creating an environment of terror. .

On 12 January, a public meeting against state government's unfair policy of land acquisition and CPI(M) terror was organised by BUPC at Hazrakata in Nandigram. Around 12 thousand people from the surrounding locality assembled at the meeting. Social activist Medha Patkar, Swami Agnibesh of Bandhua Mazdoor Mukti Morcha, Anuradha Talwar, President of PBKMS, Prof. Meher Engineer, Shishir Adhikari, TMC MLA of Egra and other representatives from SUCI, Congress, Janata Dal Secular and Jamiet-E-Ulemae Hind addressed the gathering. Medha Patkar accused the Salim group which is going to set up the proposed SEZs of being a corrupt company. She said that this group is the one which had murdered Communist party members in Indonesia for purely business reasons and now they are joining hands with the Communist ruled state to set up business. She dared the chief minister and the CPI(M) state leadership to visit Nandigram and tell villagers that they would acquire land here.

As the land acquisition issue turned the tide against CPI(M) in Nandigram which had been a stronghold of the Left Front for years, the CPI(M) state secretariat drafted a plan on 13th January to carry out an extensive campaign from 15th January to 28th February in districts earmarked for new industrial projects to win back confidence of farmers and generate public opinion in favour of their new industrial policy. It was decided that a pamphlet would also be circulated in villages and urban areas. The schedule of this campaign was finalised at Alimudin Street where Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and the party’s state secretary, Mr. Biman Bose, met leaders from East Midnapore and South 24-Parganas for more than five hours. It was learnt that Mr. Dipak Sarkar, one of the CPI(M) state secretariat members would be given the responsibility to look after the developments in East Midnapore thereby clipping the wings of Mr. Lakhsman Seth.

In an all-party meeting convened by the SDO at Nandigram, it was decided that the roads and the bridges would be repaired at the earliest. Mr Sankar Halder, SDO Haldia, requested the Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee (BUPC) members to motivate villagers to help the administration.

But the initiatives of the administration to repair roads, bridges and bring back normalcy in the tension torn areas in Nandigram failed again as the Anti-land acquisition movement workers refused to cooperate till the administration gave word that land acquisition would be completely stalled. After 24 hours of the all-party meeting none of the oppositions and BUPC members came up to help out the administration. As a result the Nandigram stalemate continued to persist, adding to the worries of the administration.

On 14th January, the local people of Vekutia area cancelled the 300-year-old Pous Sankranti mela (fair) at Basulimata temple near Dinabandhupur in Nandigram, as it was not the time to celebrate.
On 14th CPI(M) began their “political process” by "going to the villagers at the grassroots". The party launched its campaign to explain to the people the need for industrialisation with its state secretary, Mr Biman Bose addressing a public meeting at Tamluk. Mr. Bose also attended a closed-door party meeting at Sutahata in Haldia with all the leaders and local committee members of the district to boost the confidence of the party members. The CPI(M) also initiated damage-control measures to restore confidence in the party following the people's uprising and unrest in Nandigram. It was announced that CPI(M) would observe 27th January as Nandigram Dibas (Nandigra Day) all over the state to protest against the killings. The party would be campaigning throughout the region based on the points mentioned in the mandate of their last legislative Assembly election, handing out lakhs of pamphlets during the months of January and February to reach out to the common people.

Villagers of tension-torn areas in Nandigram persisted in their non-cooperation with the district administration over mending of roads and bridges with the BUPC insisting on a notice from the government stating that “no land will be acquired in Nandigram”. On 16th January, BUPC leaders held a meeting to chalk out the future outline of the movement that decided to seek the removal of Nandigram from the planning area of Haldia Development Authority, a judicial inquiry into the incidents of 3rd January and 7th January and adequate compensation to the families of the deceased in the incident on 7th January. It was also resolved that a deputation would be submitted to the local block office and police station on 25th.

In East Midnapore, Trinamul supporters blocked roads at Chandipur, Nandigram, Maniktala, Nimtouri, Nandakumar, Contai and other places from 1 p.m. to 2 p.m. successfully. They also conducted two meetings at Saudkhali and Kalicharanpur and one at Rayapara in Nandigram. District Trinamul leader and MLA Mr. Subhendu Adhikari said: “Police and administration have initiated cases against Trinamul workers. We shall continue our protest.”

On 16th January CPI(M) state secretary Mr. Biman Bose said Nandigram was the last part of a project that would take eight or ten years to complete. “The project starts from Barasat. Nandigram is at the fag end. No land has been acquired there. The process of acquisition may not even start now. The media is spreading rumours”, Mr Bose said at Alimuddin Street this evening after releasing a pamphlet titled “It's not agricultural versus industry - It's industry on the foundation of agriculture” that would be circulated all over the state.
Asked why the Left Front allies were not taking part in the campaign, Mr Bose said that the decision would be taken at the next meeting of the front. However, he could not say when the meeting would take place.

Police have not been allowed to enter the barricaded areas since tension broke out here on 3rd January. At present, duties of police have been reduced to patrolling tension-torn areas on the roads from Nandigram to Muhammadpur bridge and Nandigram to Tekhali, Bhangabhera.
Arup Das, a Trinamul worker and a prominent representative of BUPC, spearheading the movement against acquisition of land for the proposed SEZ, was hit with sharp weapons by some miscreants at Tengua bazar and died on the spot on 16th midnight. Superintendent of Police, Ashok Dutta said, the deceased was returning to his house in Kandoposhora village at late night after attending a meeting of the Trinamul and the BUPC. Police recovered the body from near his house on 17th early morning. The murder of Arup Das has bred fear in the minds of villagers. They are alleging that miscreants backed by CPI(M) took advantage of the shower last night and committed the murder. However, the villagers seemed ready to continue their anti-land acquisition drive. BUPC called a 12-hour bandh from 6 am on 17th January in protest against the killing. Meanwhile, members of BUPC forwarded a deputation to BDO, Nandigram, demanding a notice of non-acquisition from the government to end tension in the area.

Compiled by: Paschimbanga Khet Majoor Samity
19 January 2007


[1] On 6th January 2007 all these committees merged to form the Bhoomi Uchched Pratirodh Committee, (BUPC) with the Trinamul, SUCI, Congress, Jamiyet-E-Ulemae Hind and some Naxalite groups as their members. On 7th. the peasant community of Khejuri formed a union named "Krishi Jami Banchao Committee" (Committee to save agricultural lands) to protect their rights and livelihoods. The committee organised a meeting at Battala, Khejuri in the evening.

27 January 2010

Report On Killings At Netai Village

[A report by Debjit Dutta]

I visited Netai, a village under panchayat no. 7 of Binpur-II block, 2.5 km. approximately from Lalgarh in the district of West Medinipur, on 8 January, 2011 along with a journalist of a magazine of repute. As we were about to enter the village, we faced the angry resistance of a crowd at Bhim Chawk, some of whom were determined not to let in any journalist from 24 Ghanta (Chobbish Ghanta- a TV channel that has earned the notoriety of distorting facts in favour of the ruling Left Front major, CPI(M). Upon being convinced that we were not from 24 Ghanta, they started opening their mouths and cooperated. 

We entered the village at around 8-15 am and carried out an extensive interview, interaction and discussion, backed by a number of circumstantial evidence, for more than six and a half hours in different localities of the village, such as, Bhimchawk, Baganpara, Palpara, Janapara, Dandapatpara, Battala Chawk, Ghoraipara and a few other places- sometimes with the journalist and the photographer, but most of the time individually (the purpose being not to just make a story out of the prevailing situation but to stand by the hapless ,distressed and terrorised villagers at their hour of need). What transpired was substantiated by numerous discussions over phone subsequently, over the past few days, with the villagers - irrespective of their political faiths and colours. 

An account of what happened on the morning of 7 January, 2011 at Netai and the background needs to attract the attention of the human rights activists, concerned citizens’ groups, individuals and all so-called saviours of democracy along with the people, in general. I try to detail, as far as possible.

A brief background

According to a source (who prefers to remain unnamed), well conversant with the politics that dictated the fate of the villagers over the years, Maoists had entered the village about a year back. They tormented the village and asked the licensed arms to be deposited to them. They resorted to repression, collection of money from the well-off villagers for some time over a period of a few days .The Maoists insisted that the villagers must take steps to protect themselves against CPI(M) as well as the state repression. The villagers decided to unite and face them. They gathered and surrounded the Maoists (in the same manner as they gathered in front of the CPI(M) camp on the morning of 7 January). Upon being asked as to why they had resorted to such violent tactics, the Maoist leaders replied that this was what they do in general, i.e., they admitted that this had been their usual modus operandi. But they realized that there was no need to adopt the same tactic in Netai as the villagers had been united enough all along and they could put up a brave resistance to the CPI(M) attacks .Apparently, they were apologetic and left the village. What is important to note here is that almost all over the village, the villagers, more or less, were unanimous in supporting this version - even to the extent that they said that the Maoists were far better than the brutal leaders of CPI(M). They had been much more humane and sympathetic- a fact that is much contradicted in some other areas of jangalmahal.

After the Maoists left, the CPI(M) cadres organized themselves and started threatening the villagers and showing their strength in different ways on a regular basis. Rathin Dandapat, a CPI(M) stalwart – having his two-storeyed house at Dandapatpara and who had shifted to Jhargram some months back  with his family but used to visit the village off and on – let his house be used as a camp(about one and a half months before the incident ) for armed cadres of his party entrusted with the task of gaining control over the villages and bringing the innocent, poor villagers to their fold by coercing them at gunpoint. Notices and lists were hung/ pasted all over the village (specimens of which – were attempted to be destroyed – I have with me) detailing the name of the villagers who were ‘required’ to serve in the camp as cooks and night guards. A point to note: these written orders were well-drafted by educated and well-informed persons- as appeared from the language, hand writing and systematic scheduling. These were no work of illiterate/uneducated armed killers. 

The villagers had to accept their ‘destiny’ of serving their self-declared guardians. They had to send their sons (between the age group of 18 and 25) for arms training even after these youngsters had to toil and exhaust themselves at their lands or work as agricultural workers in others’ fields. We have met several such young men who cried their woes and even demonstrated the ways in which they were made to carry loads on their shoulders and, often, run if they failed to carry out the commands. Before the trainings commenced, they had to stand in rows for selection by the trainers. These trainers used to push out the ones whom they considered to be unfit or over aged.

The exercises, as demonstrated, were nothing short of and apparently no less rigorous than guerilla commando training. Many of these unwilling youngsters had been hit and tortured even after they could not help vomiting as a result of the inhuman excesses. Dilip Jana (24) and Siddhartha Shankar Ghorai (25) were summoned before three days and were made to run and even beaten up with stick. They were forced to join the arms training by armed harmads. 62 young and healthy young men were selected from 500 villagers forced to stand in four rows in the local football ground.     

Subrata Pal, another young villager taken for arms training, wondered, “Why do you need schools and colleges if the villagers have to take up arms?”  

We learnt from different sources that there had been no trace of either the police or joint force after the departure of the Maoists.  Incidentally, Lalgarh police station, Nachipur police camp and Shilapara police camp are roughly 3.5 km, 6 km and 3 km respectively from Netai.     
The residents of Baganpara also reported that CPI(M) leaders of Lalgarh – Khalil and Jaydeb Giri – came with local Krishak Sabha (the peasants’ wing of CPIM of which Binay Konar is a stalwart) leader Abani Singh some 10 days back and threatened the villagers of Baganpara of dire consequences if they failed to send at least 70 villagers for the mass meeting of the notorious district leader and a minister of the LF government, Sushanto Ghosh at Lalgarh held on 31 December, 2010.

Sequence of events   

Between 6 and 7am on the morning of 7 January, the CPI(M) cadres stormed different areas of Netai and ordered that young and able men – of the age group of 18 to 25 years approximately – be sent to their training centres for exhaustive arms training, as had been the practice for a long time apparently to protect themselves against the wrath of the Maoists (the villagers have not felt the need at all, however, as they feel more unprotected and insecure in the presence of these harmads). Ironically, the two persons - who came to threaten the residents of Baganpara and some other localities – Sanjay and Dulu Das had been innocent youngsters of the village, forced to join the ‘camp’ of CPI(M) earlier for arms training and were sent to terrorize their own friends and relatives.

The dissatisfaction and furore of the unwilling Netai villagers had been accumulating over a long period. It was clear from different versions of residents of different localities of the village that despite their reluctance and disgust, they had been serving the harmads, obeying their orders and cooking, washing their clothes along with working as night guards. But they found thoroughly distasteful the idea of sending their children (the young bread earners for the families after their painful toil in the fields) for arms training. 

Clearly, they could not accept the insult inflicted upon their self-esteem, apart from being unable to tolerate the physical and mental distress of their own people. The entire village, irrespective of their political beliefs and allegiances united and decided to rally to Rathin Dandapat’s house-turned-harmad camp. Various statements and testimonies confirm beyond doubt that there was no political provocation from any quarter whatsoever and, evidently, none of the members of the assemblage carried any firearm or explosive. On the contrary, a team consisting of members belonging to different political identities, went to discuss and resolve the issue of the villagers’ dissatisfaction with the Krishak Sabha leader cum leader-in-charge of the Dandapatpara camp, Abani Singh – a fact that, perhaps, has not appeared in the media or otherwise. According to a source who was active in organizing the demonstration, the team consisted of Durgesh Roy (former panchayat pradhan from CPI), Chitta Das (former panchayat member from CPIM), Krishnagopal Roy (retired teacher and ex-Congress member–turned-TMC supporter), Dwarkanath Panda (formerly a teacher), Shaktipada Singh (ex-panchayat member from Congress) and others. We spoke to Shri Krishnagopal Roy (whose version was supported by the villagers all over).
According to him, the team carried out a detailed discussion with Abani Singh and was somewhat able to impress that matters were being stretched a bit too far. Yet, Abani was unable to assure them of any relief. Instead, he insisted that his party leaders from Lalgarh required to be consulted. To us, it appears that Abani resorted to a time-killing tactic - as he apprehended that the outrage of the crowd of 2,000 odd (as seems from the statements) villagers was too difficult to contain, even with the arms and ammunition in possession of the harmads of the camp. This was amply clear from the incidents that followed. The demonstrators, not convinced by the explanations produced by the team alone, wanted Abani to come out. 

Shri Krishnagopal Roy explained that Abani came out for a while and, after trying to convince the agitating villagers that mustered outside the camp in vain, went inside and was seen to call up busily, reportedly for help and support. The gathering was made to wait for almost two hours under the pretext that senior leaders would arrive from Lalgarh. The villagers were also determined not to leave the place unless the leaders came and held a discussion with them.  All the while, armed cadres equipped with modern and long-range weapons (as those of the commandos of the joint force, according to some of the villagers) were seen on the rooftop of Rathin Dandapat’s house- turned- harmad camp of CPI(M), where discussions were being held. What followed represents the destructive strength, brutality and unbridled violence of a state-backed private army of the ruling party. Armed harmads, reportedly from Birkar camp in Lalgarh were said to be dropped by the CPI(M) party workers from their Lalgarh office near the village. As they approached Dandapatpara, they fired rampantly from their modern rifles in a bid to scare the villagers away as well as providing a ‘cover’ to the outnumbered harmads led by Abani. Upon being assured of their arms power backed by their counterparts against the unarmed, agitating villagers, Shuben Mandal opened fire at the gathering from the rooftop along with Jaydip Giri, Tapan Dey, Ashwini and others at about 10 am. 

There is no doubt that the bullets that took the lives of many villagers were fired from long- range rifles capable of killing people waiting at a playground of Agrani Sangha Palli Pathagar -at least some 250 to 300 metres away on the northern side of the camp, as well as at almost the same distance in the other direction (south), where Saurav Ghorai was shot at the back -which testifies that he was fleeing - to death (at adjacent Janapara). This conclusion could further be substantiated from the statement of one of the unfortunate villagers who had been serving at the camp. He said that a greater massacre could have ensued, had one of the powerful guns not been jammed for some reason and in spite of their best efforts, the harmads could not overcome the obstacle. The subsequent news reports confirmed that a ‘small cannon’ was found upon a search by the administration on a later date, as per police reports.                 

Seven villagers including two women (Fulkumari alias Fulka Maity and Saraswati Ghorai) were killed either on the spot or while being carried to hospitals, health centre etc. No less than twenty were injured and shifted to Lalgarh health centre, Medinipur  Sadar hospital and SSKM hospital, Kolkata – some of them were in critical condition. It may be noted here that according to the villagers, the media persons were informed about the demonstration beforehand. But at the time of the incident of firing, none of them was there as they were not being allowed to enter the village, as reported.
The frightened villagers, caught unaware, tried to flee or hide themselves in the houses or behind the walls, shops or any available cover from the bullets. Dhiren Sen (40), brother of Mira Mandal, was pushed inside a room, while the harmads were about to shoot him, by his sister-in-law, Latika Sen and others. Shubhen Mandal of Ghoraipara, the CPI(M) killer, dragged him out and shot him between the two thighs and killed him on the spot. The incident, as described by Latika, clearly points out to the fact that it was not the firing from the rooftop alone, but also a one-to-one attack by the killers.  

Saraswati Ghorai (28 and a mother of three children), was shot to death on her skull on the other side of the camp near Agrani Sangha. We saw the shattered bits of her skull, hair and bloodstains all over the place, almost or more than 24 hours of the killing. The spots remained unguarded, even unmarked by the authorities. Let alone the legal or ethical compulsions, it was, indeed, painful to see that during the rush of the media and the people alike, that followed while the TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee interacted and addressed the villagers in the adjacent field, people had to stamp and even sit or stand over the remains of Saraswati, killed only a day before. The indifference, defiance and inhumanity of the rulers were, thus, evident. Likewise, none of the bloodstained spots was marked or guarded.

What needs to be mentioned here is not just the callousness but the deliberate indulgence, if not assistance or leadership (to put it mildly), of the administration to turn a deaf ear to the gunshots, repeatedly reported by the villagers to Lalgarh police station and remaining a silent onlooker to the slaying spree of the ruling party’s armed forces resulting in the loss of lives of the law-abiding, peaceful yet ill-fated villagers. Even after the terrible disaster perpetrated in Netai by the lone armed forces of CPI(M),there was no trace of any joint force over a period  of more than four hours after the firing, as was evidently asserted by the villagers of all localities. Also, we did not see a single police personnel while we entered the village in the morning of the 8th. Armed commandoes  ‘staged an entry’ at about 10.45 on the 8th morning, reportedly remaining absent from the village for almost 12 hours since 7th evening, the day of the criminal mass assassination of Netai - the police station being at some three and a half kilometers away, if not less.      
We learnt that arrangements were made, with the local grocer’s shops and the sweet shop owned by Paltu Dandapat of Dandapatpara, by Abani to ensure regular and smooth supplies to the harmad camp. Dipak Patra was made to hire out his generator set to ensure ‘emergency’ power supply to the camp. 

We tried to have a look into the camp on the 8th, deserted by the killers. They were reported to have fled on the 7th in a scurry and crossed over to the other side of nearby Kansai (Kangshabati) river - where their nearest and ‘safe’ shelter at Sijua camp was located - after the panicked villagers dispersed in a bid to save their lives- clearly apprehending that, in no time, the media and the people of Lalgarh could arrive and it would not be possible to face them in spite of all the support of either the cadres or the authorities. They did not have to face the least resistance – a fact that was proved beyond doubt- an instance, or rather, a rule (a thumb rule at that) of the day enforced by the recent ‘pro-people LF governance’, an undisputed example of state backed party violence.

The entry points of the camp were meticulously locked, reportedly by the police/so-called joint force that apparently arrived at the village hours later of the 7th incident although they preferred to turn their backs while the assassination took place and did not bother to mark the bloodstained or other places where the evidences of the slaying lay. Since the morning of the 8th, efforts of the media and the people, to have an idea about the trails and traces of the harmads, proved to be futile. After much toil, with the help of the hushed signals of a few reluctant, ill-fated neighbours of the camp (fright and apparent sense of insecurity writ all over their faces), we managed to throw open and peep through a window at the back of the house. We could see a huge bowl containing not less than 20-25 kg of cooked rice (more than enough to feed at least 50 heads), a sack containing more or less 20 kg muri (a   popular fast bite of West Bengal), a few scattered blankets, an empty and open suitcase, two overturned TV sets and a few other testimonies of hurried desertion.         
         
We visited the house of Saurav Ghorai and the houses of some others shot to death. The whole family of Saurav (28) was dumbstruck except his widowed wife, Shampa (22)- mother of a 3 year old son, Saumyadeep. The groaning and wailing of Shampa was heart-breaking, to say the least, and reminiscent of their lamenting counterparts of Nandigram after the genocide of 14 March, 2007 upon whom widowhood had been forced, as was done in the case of Shampa, by armed killers- the harmad troupe of CPI(M). Saurav’s father, Shaktipada Ghorai (69) had been serving the Viswakarma Battalion of National Volunteer Force (NVF) and retired as a sub-inspector in 2002. He said that his youngest son Saurav (the other to work in the land owned by the family) could just repay the bank loan he had taken to purchase the tractor with which he was happy and satisfied enough to till their own land as well as the fields of other villagers on a contract basis. 

Fulkumari Maity (Fulka), mother of two children, Krishna (14) and Ananta(12), of Baganpara was also shot dead. We learnt from the villagers of this locality that the police arrived hours later at 2-30 pm. on the 7th.   Sandip Mandal and Khokan Pal of Baganpara were beaten up by the force and ordered to show the bodies of the victims - a fact that was subsequently confirmed when we visited thes two young men at Medinipur Sadar hospital.
 
The condition of the villagers of Baganpara was, indeed, wretched – most of the villagers are agricultural workers. We were told that Palpara, another locality of Netai is also dominated by agricultural workers. It was reported that there has been almost no job in any of the villages under NREGS. The workers get work in the fields of the better off landowners only during planting and harvest seasons, often irregularly against maximum Rs 50 as wages. There is only one tubewell in Baganpara for supply of drinking water,  set up by the villagers themselves at their own cost.

Our visit to Medinipur Sadar Hospital

The injured victims of the bullet-rain by the CPI(M) killer-cadres (harmads) were taken to Lalgarh Health Centre, Medinipur Sadar Hospital and SSKM hospital of Kolkata- depending on the seriousness of their injuries. Mostly, they were carried by the villagers assisted by the party workers of TMC, who stepped in after being informed about the incident of firing. After Netai, we went ahead to meet some of the victims transferred to Medinipur Sadar Hospital at about 4-30 pm on the 8th. What surprised me initially (I realized later, however, that this was how the hospital authorities function) was the ease with which we could walk into the various wards of the hospital which remained practically unguarded or almost unnoticed, even after the criminal chaos that preceded a day before.  It was clearly evident of the indifference, callousness, neglect and arrogance of the administration, if any - to an extent- that there was none to even question our identities or purpose while we spoke to the injured villagers. 

A few other facts and observations

The villagers who gathered outside Rathin Dandapat’s house consisted of innocent, aggrieved men, women, youths and children from almost all corners of the village. It appears that there was a hurried planning by the villagers - after the harmads who had been threatening the villagers and ordering them to send the young men for arms training left- on the 7th morning. It does not appear that there was any planning, instigation or prompting from any political party or others – a fact that was further substantiated from our conversation with a few villagers who admitted that they had been supporters of the Left Front but were in no mood to tolerate their violent excesses any further. They also submitted that there was no provocation from any anti-left (anti-CPIM, to be precise) political force - it was the villagers who decided to unite and try to bring an end to their nightmarish slavery of the CPI(M) harmads. 

The villagers were totally unarmed and there was not a single outsider in the gathering, as claimed by them. Otherwise, a bigger massacre could have ensued.
In recent past, there has not been a single incident where 4 innocent housewives were shot to death.

There was not a single official statement of the chief minister about the Netai incident on the 7th.
In sharp contrast with the false claims of CPI(M) leadership, the villagers strongly affirmed that there had been neither any trace of  Maoist activities in the village over a year or so nor was there any presence of any Maoist in the crowd that gathered near the harmad camp.

The presence of joint forces for almost two years all over jangal mahal   under the leadership and guidance of the state home department was never meant to provide any protection to the poor and helpless villagers. The Netai incident also points out to the fact that Section 144 imposed over a vast area of jangal mahal, seemingly to prevent entry and assembly of armed political activists, was illegally utilized as a cover/shield for regaining and strengthening the ground of the ruling CPI(M) under gunpoint while preventing the concerned citizens, individuals and activists from entering Lalgarh and other affected and attacked areas.


07 January 2010

Charter Of Demands

Asanghatit Kshetra Shramik Sangrami Manch
(Platform for Struggling Unorganised Sector Workers)
4/1, Bhavnath Sen Street , Kolkata-700004. Ph 033-2543-5381

Charter of Demands

Wages: As you know, almost 93% of our workforce belongs to unorganized sector workers. Though there is a wage rate prescribed for these sectors by the State Government, the workers never get the government declared minimum wage. In addition, our members (unorganized sector workers) also do not get enough job opportunity throughout the entire year. In this situation we expect the Government to at least implement its own laws viz.

The previous Government was in the process of revising minimum wages. Though we believe that the floor level minimum wage should be higher, as a temporary measure, this process must be completed without delay and notification of these wages must be done forthwith.

As a permanent measure, we demand the use of the 15th Indian Labour Conference norms and Supreme Court orders to revise the minimum wage further. By these calculations, the floor level minimum wage should be Rs.316 for urban areas and Rs.290 for rural areas. As many small and marginal employers may find their businesses and farms becoming unviable if they have to pay such wages, we demand that part of the wage should be subsidised by the Government through provisions of services like free education (including costs of items like books, uniforms, all kinds of fees, special coaching etc.), free health coverage, subsidized rations etc. This revised wage must be declared in next 6 months.

Wages must be revised in a regular manner, as per the Act and established norms. Injunctions or other legal action taken by employers to avoid payment of minimum wages must be dealt with promptly by the Government.

Minimum wage implementation in this state is a farce. Many blocks do not have minimum wage inspectors and inspectors are generally busy with all activities other than the implementation of the Minimum Wage Act. We demand appointment of at least two minimum wage inspectors per block as well as monitoring of the punitive actions that they take regarding violations of the Minimum Wage Act.

Stringent punitive measures under the Minimum Wages Act must be introduced as the existing system is useless. Disposal of complaints must be done in a time bound manner.

We demand the enactment of an act like Maharashtra Recognition of Trade Unions and Prevention of Unfair Labour Practices Act 1971 and other progressive measures to enable workers to get quick remedies to their complaints, instead of going through the laborious tribunal system. Labour courts must also be empowered, strengthened and decentralized in order to get justice. We demand a speedy effective judicial system at the block level for redressal.

In order to ensure that workers are able to systematically deal with unfair labour practices and wage cheating, all unorganized sector workers must be given identity cards.

All workers of closed industrial units must be extended facilities to relieve their problems like automatic exclusion and extension of BPL facilities, provision of unemployment allowance, provisions of cheap food etc.

Subsidised Food:

We all know the fact that as per the NCEUS Report , 77% of Indians earn Rs. 12-20 per head in a day. Despite this , the Government has limited the number of BPL households at 36%. Again, even this limited BPL list is faulty. The BPL survey was conducted by incompetent and vested persons and as a result many people, even in some cases, entire villages, were excluded in the survey.

The state cannot deny its role in improving the status of its people. The efficiency of its workforce is very much dependent on nutrition and health. In today’s market, the prices of essential commodities are so high that lots of people are suffering from under-nutrition and hunger. Hence we demand the following

All unorganized sector workers must be automatically extended subsidized food.

To begin with, all such workers must be provided 7 kgs of rice and wheat per head per month at Rs.2 per kg to begin with. Coverage of 80% of the population through an expanded PDS would mean a minimisation of exclusion and inclusion errors created by BPL identification and targeting, by which subsidised food reaches the ones who do not need it while the poor get excluded.

Other reforms must be put in place to make the PDS successful. Some of these ae:

De-privatization of fair price shops, and handing over the same to women’s self help groups, Panchayats , cooperatives and other women’s groups;

Delivery of food commodities from the Government godown to the ration shop by the Government, with removal of corrupt middlemen like wholesalers and distributers (an immediate step in this direction is the cancellation of 14 distributors who were appointed just before the elections for Kolkata and surrounding districts);

End-to-end computerization of all information (ration cards, allotments, off-take etc.)

Putting in place an effective system of transparency, accountability and grievance redressal,

Decentralized procurement and storage at the block level.

The State should make a universal food security programme its flagship programme. A state level food security act should also be enacted.


Employment Guarantee:

Next comes the central flagship program MGNREGA for employment generation of rural and urban areas, which would have been very important to provide job security to every family, provided it was being implemented properly. But due to lack of proper implementation system it has failed miserably. Our specific demands are

There are huge pending wages which should be immediately paid through a special payment drive.

Ensure that banks, post offices and the payment systems at the block and Panchayat level are efficiently run so that workers are paid within 15 days of completion of work , as per the Act.

All applicants must get work within 15 days of the application, as per the Act, and 100 days of work should be created for all such applicants.

Mechanisms for prompt enquiry and payment of unemployment allowance, along with a budgetary provisions for payment of unemployment allowance must be made

New mechanisms for prompt enquiry and payment of compensation for late payment of wages must be set up exclusively for NREGS workers, so that they do not have to resort to the non functional Labour Courts.

SORs must be revised to ensure that all workers always get minimum wage.

There should be a special drive for work for women, old people and disabled. Schedule of rates must be re-examined for their existing bias against women workers

Special schemes for work during monsoons must be identified by the Government and standing instructions on opening of works after disasters must be issued

Work site facilities at NREGS worksites as per the Act must be ensured.

The Central Government allows for the use of the National Calamity Relief Fund for creation of 150 days of work during disasters. This must be institutionalised into a permanent standing order so that after disasters this fund is automatically used to create extra work.

Exemplary and stringent punishment should be given for all Panchayat level functionaries who do not accept work applications,

The scheme should be expanded to ensure that every adult to get 270 days of work, instead of 100 days in a year, at the statutory minimum wage.

On the lines of MGNREGA, a state level urban EGA should be started for urban unemployed unorganized sector workers.

Old age pension:

Please ensure payment of all the present backlog in pensions immediately and payment by the 7th of every month for every pensioner under IGNOAPS, in keeping with Supreme court orders

We appeal for your prompt action on the above mentioned demands. We hope you will not disappoint us like the previous Government. We are open to any sort of discussion on these matters and are willing to help you in any manner within our capacity.

(on behalf of the Manch)

Somnath Ghosh, Swapan Ganguly, Chandan Sanyal, Pritish Bose, Sushovan Dhar, Bodhsatwa Ray, Sumit Sinha, Anuradha Talwar

Date: June 8, 2011