Showing posts with label Nandigram. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nandigram. Show all posts

16 March 2015

Nandigram's Forgotten Rape Victims Living In Precarious Conditions


A team of Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS), West Bengal, comprising Anuradha Talwar, Nisha Biswas, Rama Debnath, Rangta Munshi, Saswati Ghosh, Sharmistha Choudhury and Swapna Banerjee visited Nandigram on March 10, 2015, to study the condition of the women of Nandigram who had been at the forefront of the heroic struggle against land acquisition back in 2007-2009.

What we saw saddened and disturbed us for a number of reasons, the foremost being the fact that these women, who had once been powerful leaders of a historic mass movement, are today not only distressed but disempowered as well. We tried to assess the present condition of the women of Nandigram and here is what we learned:

THE FACTS GLEANED

Status of legal cases
  • Nobody was able to give any concrete information on the status of the cases filed by the rape survivors. It is not certain that cases of rape were filed at all.
  • A total of 362 cases – including 9 murder cases – against more than 4,000 persons involved in the Nandigram Movement were registered in 2007-2009.
  • 160 minor cases have been withdrawn so far. The court has not allowed withdrawal of some of the cases that the government wanted to withdraw.
  • According to BUPC leaders, chargesheets have been filed in almost all the cases, though trial is yet to begin.
  • However, we were unable to ascertain the exact status of the cases.

Compensation Payment 
  • All 159 injured on March 14, 2007 have received compensation of Rs 1 Lakh as per High Court order.
  • Only 3 out of 16 rape survivors have received compensation of Rs 2 lakh.

CBI Investigation 
  • In December 2013 CBI instituted cases against more than 30 men and women – including women who were severely injured and/or raped like Radharani Aari, Kajal Majhi, Gouri Pradhan, etc. – on charges of attacking the police and inciting violence.
  • BUPC sought dismissal of above cases in HC, but was denied by the Single Bench. Now appeal is lying before the Division Bench of HC.
  • CBI also sought Govt. permission to initiate criminal proceedings against some Police Officials.
  • Govt. is yet to respond on the above.
  • It appears that the CID was in charge of the cases at some point. According to BUPC leaders, the subsequent intervention of the CBI threw everything in disarray due to confusion regarding the respective domains of responsibility. What is beyond doubt, however, that all this has resulted in justice being denied to the victims.

Status of some women of struggle:
  1. Tapasi Das (38 yrs)  
  • Bullet injured her uterus, causing permanent gynecological and neurological problems.
  • Remains in persistent pain and is confined to bed most of the time.
  • Difficulty in walking, severe limp.
  •  Gets meagre Rs 1500 per month from local MP for treatment. This amount, however, is not even sufficient to cover the travel expenses she has to incur to continue with her treatment.
  •  Husband got a temporary job in Metro Rail.

  1. Radha Rani Ari (45 yrs) 
  • Gangraped twice.
  • Not received compensation. Rumour is some imposter made away with her compensation.
  • Suffers severe social stigma, husband too accuses her. 
  •   Rape accused are out on bail and are back in the locality. 
  • Gets meagre Rs1500 per month from local MP. 
  •  One son got a temporary job in Metro Rail.

  1. Angur Das (40 yrs) 
  • Raped on 14th March along with her daughters Kabita (married with 2 kids) and Ganga (then unmarried) 
  • No compensation 
  • 3 sons work in a carpet factory in U.P. 
  •  Husband works in small patch of own land. 
  • Heavily depressed. Ganga is now married but is facing problems at in-laws’ for non-payment of agreed dowry.
  1. Kabita Das (22yrs) 
  •  Daughter of Angur Das. 
  • Not allowed to return to marital home after rape incident. 
  •  Lives with mother. Husband visits occasionally.

  1. Srabanti Das Adhikari (35yrs) 
  • Received compensation of Rs 2 Lakh as per HC order 
  •  Works as cook in ICDS 
  • Unwilling to talk, ‘I am fine, have to stay here.’

SOME OBSERVATIONS
  • Women like Tapasi Das, Radharani Aari and others, who had become the face of the Nandigram Movement, who had suffered rape, bullet wounds and state terror but had remained at the forefront of the heroic struggle against forcible land acquisition, who had subsequently been instrumental in unseating the then Left Front government from power, have today been absolutely edged out of the political space. They are neither called to Bhumi Uchchhed Pratirodh Committee (BUPC) meetings, nor invited to Martyrs’ Day observations, nor given the recognition they deserve.
  • Radharani Aari recalls how, in the run-up to the Bidhan Sabha election of 2011, she was much sought after by the present ruling party. She would be taken on political campaigns all across the country and made to describe the barbaric sexual torture that was inflicted on her. “My body was like a property that would get the votes,” she says. Now, with that party firmly in power, she has been carelessly abandoned, left to fend for herself. “I often contemplate suicide,” she says.
  • The women have been silenced by the brute force of male domination. All the rape accused, like Badal Garu, Kalia Garu, Rabin Das, etc., have returned to their homes – after months of exile to escape public wrath – and this ‘rehabilitation’ has taken place after negotiation with the BUPC (male) leadership. Radharani Aari and the other women allege that the BUPC leaders took hefty sums of money from the rapists in exchange of granting them permission to return home. None of the raped women was consulted in the process. Now with the rapists at large, and often inhabiting adjacent houses, these women live in constant fear. BUPC leaders tell them, “What’s your problem?” Their problem is that justice has not been done, and it does not seem like that it will.
  •  Very few of the women who were raped, injured or otherwise tortured in the course of their valiant role in the Nandigram Movement have been rewarded by the government. In most of the cases, the husband or the son has been provided some kind of a job by the new government, in lieu of the woman’s sacrifice. The woman, however, has received virtually nothing. For example, the son of Radharani Aari – who was gang raped twice in 2007-2008 – has been given a job by the new government, and leaders now tell her, “What else do you want?”
  • The women are in precarious health. Tapasi Das, whose thigh was almost sawed off and uterus hit when the police opened fire on unarmed women and children on March 14, 2007, lives in perpetual pain. There is nobody to oversee her medical treatment or ensure that she gets it. Radharani Aari and other women who were raped by hoodlums of the then ruling party are victims of severe trauma. They are all in need of medical attention, which is absent.
  • A grand hospital built in memory of the martyrs of Nandigram stands amidst sprawling acres, the picture of grim dereliction and waste. The caretaker said that a doctor visits once or twice a month, but even that thin story did not ring true. It is indeed an irony that with so many women in desperate need of medical attention, a hospital in the very middle of Nandigram should be allowed to go to seed.
  • These women, who were once leaders of one of the most famous mass movements of recent times, are now confined to their homes and subject to all kinds of patriarchal oppression. They cannot marry off their daughters without paying massive dowries as if to ‘compensate’ for the ‘stigma’ of rape. Some of the daughters have been thrown out of their marital homes as ‘punishment’. Even neighbours have now taken to pointing fingers at the rape survivors. This social chastisement, in conjunction with crippling poverty, has broken their hearts.

These are the findings of our first visit to Nandigram. We hope to follow this up with more visits in the future and stand firmly by the women in their fight for justice.

12 March 2012

Observe Nandigram Day on March 14



Though it is five years now since the terrible massacre of March 14, 2007, events that led up to the massacre and its aftermath remain unforgettable for the people of West Bengal and the country and even perhaps the world. The contribution of Nandigram to the present politics of West Bengal has also been considerable. People's movements, especially the Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee, which went beyond party banners, played an important role in this movement. Today, however, the movement has become associated with a political party, with the banners that transcended party being pushed into oblivion.   

On the fifth anniversary of March 14 or Nandigram Diwas, Nandigram Manch, (a loose platform of individuals and organisations that came up in November 2007 outside of party banners to stand by and support the struggling people of Nandigram), invites you to an evening of review, along with remembrance and homage to the people of Nandigram. The focus of the evening will be on assessing the relevance of the Nandigram struggle in West Bengal’s present political context.

Nandigram Manch invites you to observe Nandigram Divas on March 14 at  Bharat Sabha  Hall, Kolkata,  at 5 p.m. We will observe the day with the formal inauguration of two books: one on Nandigram and Jangalmahal by Sukumar Mitra and other by Tushar Bhattacharya on the mass murder at Bijan Setu. A film on Nandigram, Nandigrame Nutan Surjauday, will be screened.

Swapan Ganguly for Nandigram Manch

07 December 2011

Petition To Mamata Banerjee On Nandigram


[On November 10, 2011, in the time of Operation Nutan Surjauday (New Sunrise armed goons of the then ruling party, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) “invaded” Nandigram and tried to re-establish their stranglehold over the villages there. A film showing the struggles of the people of Nandigram was released and a press conference at the Press Club, Kolkata. During the discussion after the film, it was decided to send a petition to the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mrs Mamata Banerjee to draw her attention to the current state in Nandigram and take some decisive action.]

To
Smt. Mamata Banerjee,
Honourable Chief Minister,
Government of West Bengal,
Kolkata

Dear Madam,

It is now four years since Operation Nutan Surjauday, that terrible time in November 2007, when the armed goons of the then ruling party “invaded” Nandigram and tried once again to establish their stranglehold over the villages there. From January 2007 till the Panchayat elections in 2008, the brave people of Nandigram fought against oppression and terrorism to put a stop to the forcible acquisition of their land for an SEZ. They suffered tremendous human and material loss, undergoing much mental trauma. Women were especially the victims of sexual and all other kinds of torture. They looked forward to the 2011 elections and had expected many things from the new Government. However though it is now more than six months since your Government was installed, many of their expectations remain unfulfilled.

From past experience, we know that the cause of the Nandigram people is close to your heart.  As people and organisations that supported the Nandigram struggle whole-heartedly, we therefore believe it is our responsibility to draw your attention to their problems, and to seek your intervention to solve these problems. These are as follows:

1.       Some of the victims of the Nandigram 14th March firing and the other atrocities there are still in need of medical care. As this is not always freely available from Government hospitals, the victims have either to spend money from their own pockets or have to depend on others’ charity for their treatment. Abhijit Giri, Tapasi Jana and Haimavati Haldar of Gokulnagar are three examples of such victims. We would request you to arrange for free treatment for all such victims from the best Government facilities available (including free testing facilities, free medicines and support for travel and stay of the patient and a companion).

2.       Innumerable false criminal cases were filed against the people of Nandigram and Khejuri during their two years of struggle. Our estimates show that hundreds of such cases were filed between 2007 and 2008.Hundreds of innocent people from these areas are still having to run to courts to defend themselves at great expense. Sedition charges have been filed against three persons and they continue to languish in jail. We ask for immediate withdrawal of all these cases.

3.       The State of West Bengal has so far compensated only famileis of 14 persons killed, 159 injured persons and 3 rape victims of the 14th March 2007 incident at Nandigram. However, these numbers are very few compared to the actual number of people who were injured on March 14th and all the other heinous incidents that took place from January 2007 till the May 2008 Panchayat elections. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) in its report dated February 8th 2008 has stated that during the period 6th November to 12th November 2007, 7 persons were killed and 32 persons were injured. It further stated that “the next of kin of the dead in these incidents and also the injured persons should be compensated in the same manner as directed by the High Court of Calcutta for the victims of the incidents of 14th March, 2007”. On 14th March 2011, PBKMS and APDR had demanded compensation from the Chief Secretary for a list of 455 injured persons (including rape victims) of 14th March 2007 who had not received anything so far. No action has been taken on this list or on the NHRC report (which the former CPI(M)-led Government had refused to accept), despite the change in Government.  According to a PBKMS report, from January 3rd to January 7th 2007, 4 people died and at least 25 persons   were injured in Nandigram.  In addition, the People’s Tribunal on Nandigram has also collated reports of people who were injured and /or sexually assaulted in all the other incidents that took place in Nandigram. We would request your Government to enquire into all such reports and to provide compensation to all such injured and/or sexually assaulted persons in Nandigram.

4.       In November 2007, a number of people had their houses destroyed in Operation Nutan Surjauday. According to a report submitted to the NHRC by the Chief Secretary of the previous Government, 560 houses were completely destroyed and 399 houses were partially damaged. Later compensation was distributed by the previous Government before the 2008 Panchayat elections in a totally partisan manner. Reports from the area suggest that very few people who lost their houses actually got this money. The NHRC in its report declared that “since the State Government does not appear to have discharged its primary obligation in preventing the attack by CPI (M) cadres on 6th November, 2007, it should bear the responsibility for the loss of life and property following the attack.... The compensation that the State Government proposes to make for damaged houses appears to be quite inadequate. The Commission considers recommending enhanced compensation for fully and partially damaged houses. The Enquiry Team of the Commission has reported that after the incidents of 6th November, 2007 several houses of BUPC supporters have been occupied by CPI (M) cadres and they are now claiming to be owners of those houses and demanding compensation. The Commission considers it necessary to appoint a Committee to suggest compensation regarding damage that occurred and to ensure that the monetary relief does not fall in wrong hands and it reaches the genuine persons.”  It is therefore suggested that the present Government should enquire into this matter and compensate   those who actually lost their houses, but were not compensated.
We expect your Government to enquire into all these cases of loss and suffering in order to compensate them and take corrective steps immediately. 


11 May 2011

The Nandigram Archive

Click on the links to visit articles and reports prepared by the PBKMS on Nandigram.

Some case studies on people's response to the idea of land acquisition along with Panchayat-wise figures on land use in the affected area
Article by Swapan Ganguly
Nandigram on the verge of civil war
An appeal issued by PBKMS for support of the Nandigram people after its General Secretary visited Nandigram after the murder of 7 people on 7 January 2007
7 January 2007
A report on people's uprising in Nandigram
Chronology of events in the early days of the Nandigram struggle prepared by PBKMS from newspaper reports. This report was prepared as input for the Ctizen's Fact Finding team that visited Nandigram at the end of January 2007 and that was led by Sumit Sarkar
17 January 2007
A first hand report, with photographs, by a PBKMS team that visited Nandigram between 22 and 24 January 2007 during the early days of the struggle
22-24 January 2007
Report of a citizen's committee led by Sumit Sarkar, who visited Nandigram from 26 to 28 January 2007
26-27 January 2007
Report prepared by APDR and PBKMS after their investigative visit on March 15th and 16th to Nandigram. This report was submitted to Kolkata High Court and was one of the first substantive reports on the March 14 carnage
15-16 March 2007
A preliminary report and appeal issued by PBKMS on 17th March 2007  immediately after the March 14th carnage in Nandigram
17 March 2007
Prepared by PBKMS to counter the propaganda being put forward by the CPI(M) on the Nandigram massacre
21 March 2007
Report of a people's tribunal on Nandigram organised by an all-India citizen's committee
26-28 May 2007 
Report of a door-to-door survey done in the villages by a committee of activists from different NGOs and people's organisations known as Sameekshak Samannaya
April to June 2007
Resolution Adopted in the All India Convention on Nandigram and SEZs, held on 2-3 June, 2007 at the Netaji Subhash Institute in Kolkata
 2-3 June 2007
Report prepared after visits from November 8-15 2007 by a group of social activists, including PBKMS President, to Nandigram after the attempt by the CPI(M) to "recapture" the area through its Operation Sunrise
8-15 November 2007
Report of a visit in April 2008  by several activists including the president of PBKMS to Nandigram in the run up to the 2008 Panchayat elections
April 2008
Letter that PBKMS and the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights sent to the Chief Secretary of the West Bengal government demanding compensation for those injured, raped/sexually molested in the Nandigram incident on 14 March 2007 
14 March 2011

25 December 2010

Bankrupt CPM Strikes Again - Heading For A Bloody Election


A Brief Report On the Recurrence of Violence in Nandigram

Unsure about whether they can win through plain voting, a desperate CPM has again resorted to tactics of violence in Nandigram in the past three days as its preparation for the forthcoming Panchayat elections. To understand the situation there, a team consisting of concerned citizens (Meher Engineer, Bijaya Chanda, Debjit Dutt, Ashim Giri and Anuradha Talwar) visited the area today( 20th April 2008). We visited Gokulnagar Adhikary Para and the local Nandigram Hospital. We talked to CRPF and Eastern Frontier Rifles personnel posted in the disturbed area. We also met various patients and their families at Nandigram hospital. One of our team members (Bijaya Chanda) had earlier met three of the patients who have been transferred because of the seriousness of their injuries to SSKM Hospital in Kolkata. We give below some of our major observations:

The past few days have seen a repeat of torture on the people of Nandigram. Villagers of three different parts of Nandigram have been the target of attacks in the past three days. As a result, there have been a number of people wounded – 10 from Gokulnagar Adhikary para, Mondal para and Parmanik para , of which three are women; 7 from Garchakraberia area; and, 1 old woman of 70 years from Sonachura area.

There has been a repeat of the earlier experience for those who have suffered earlier either on March 14th 2007 or during the “re-capture” operation by the CPI(M) in November 2007, or in the intervening period. The most shocking example of this is that of Radharani Ari, a frail middle-aged village housewife. Radha Rani’s husband is a marginal farmer. She was gang raped on March 15th by her CPI(M)  neighbours. However, Radharani never allowed the shame of being raped overcome her zeal to protest against injustice She became one of the most vocal critics of the CPI(M)’s harmad[1]. She has been part of a nationwide campaign on the CPI(M)’s atrocities , having gone to Kerala and Delhi with a team and later having accompanied the Nandigram to Narmada Jatha . She also gave evidence against her rapists to the High Court appointed CBI team. On 18th April 2008, Friday night, at 9.30 PM, Radharani had to pay the price once again for her courage – she was gang raped once again by Harekrishna Das and Chinmaya Das. The latter is the CPI(M) candidate for booth number 167 in Gokulnagar in the forthcoming Panchayat election.

Radharani was recovered from a field that is about 200 yards from her house in a half naked and unconscious state at 3.30 AM after the harmad left. Like Radharani, Narmada Shit of Sonachura, a 70 years old woman, has been targeted because she is a vocal critic of the CPI(M) harmad. She was chased and beaten up on Friday night by the harmad and while trying to escape them, she fell and was almost buried under an earthern wall that collapsed on her. She has also been admitted to the SSKM Hopsital in Kolkata with grievous injuries along with Radha Rani.

Many of those wounded have been attacked earlier. One example is that of the family of Radharani Ari,  whose son was attacked earlier and broke his leg in the process. Her son and husband were attacked again, when she was raped on the 18th. Pratap Ari, her husband, is seriously injured and in SSKM hospital, He has received a greivious sword injury on his chest. Her son, Subhendu Ari, is in Nandigram hospital with a deep cut on his left foot due to a sword attack. Some of the others wounded are:

Sudharshan Pramanick of Gokulnagar Parmanik Para received injuries from an iron rod , lathis and swords. He is Nandigram hospital.

Shiekh Gulam Mohammed of Jalpai Nakchirachar was attacked by a sword. He managed to escape an injury on his stomach and was then attacked on the head. He put his hands up to prevent this and has had both his hands cut by the sword.
The CPI(M) during the attacks has followed the sinister pattern that they used in November during their “re-capture” operation. Large groups of armed people have invaded the villages once again; many of the members of these groups have been outsiders from the neighbouring Khejuri area; the police have stood by as casual bystanders, and often as active supporters of the invading groups, arresting youth supporters of the Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee from the villages as a precursor to the invasion.

Of most concern is the fact that the entry of outsiders in the area is being actively prevented once again. Today (20th April 2008), the convoy of Mamata Banerjee was prevented from entering Gokulnagar by an armed mob of CPI(M) supporters in spite of the presence of the Nandigram Police Station Officer in Charge (OC), Debashis Chakraborty, and the Circle Inspector (CI) who preferred to play the role of a partisan onlooker. She was manhandled and her vehicle was wrecked.

Of even more concern is the fact that in the presence of the OC and CI, members of the media were stoned and chased by the armed mob for about 1-2 kms. The police force and the Rapid Action Force (a special anti-riot police group) were also part of the mob that chased them.

Ransacking of houses has also started again. Radharani Ari’s house has had tiles broken on Friday and is lying desolate. Swadesh Das Adhikary’s house in Gokulnagar Adhikarypara , which was burnt in November was once again surrounded by a mob in the evening today. It was only our repeated appeals to the CRPF force over the phone that led to his rescue and the dispersal of the mob from the area. Khokan Shit’s house in Sonachura was attacked with bombs on Friday night.

People, especially women, are once again frightened. Many are planning to flee from their homes. Khokhan Shit, his father, wife and children have already left their house in Sonachura and have taken shelter with relatives. Tapasi Jana is planning to send away her 17 years old daughter as she fears she will be raped. It is feared that villages under attack will gradually empty out.

Gokulnagar Adhikary para has a camp of 22 jawans from the Eastern Frontier Rifles. When we asked these jawans about their role in the recent problems in the village, they told us (after 3 days of occurrence) that they still did not know details of what had happened there on Friday night, when a serious incident took place with 11 people injured and 1 woman gangraped.  They said their patrolling routes and activity were decided by an Assistant Sub Inspector from the West Bengal Police, who according to the village people is hand in glove with the CPI(M) harmad. The CRPF soldiers who are now guarding Gokulnagar village complained about not having the powers to take any action, and said they were puppets in the hands of the local police.


The names of some of the CPI(M) goons against whom complaints were reported to have been lodged with Nandigram P.S. are:
Gurupada Patra, Manik Patra, Raja Garu Das, Ratan Garu Das, Babulal Bor, Sudhangshu Garu Das,Sanjay Mondal, Suman Mondal, Milan Bijoli, Prakash Mondal, Johar Das  and others .
The first four are the accused in cases that were filed in March and Novemebr 2007, but are still evading arrest with police help.


[1] The local name for the armed  goons of the CPI(M)

24 December 2010

Answering CPI(M)'s 'True Lies'


A REJOINDER AGAINST THE TRUE LIES OF THE CPI(M) POLITBUREAU:
JALIWANALABAGH REINCARNATES IN NANDIGRAM

Untruth 1: Certain elements had resorted to violence and cut off roads and bridges in the area on the pretext of land acquisition.

Truth: After Singur, the Left Front Government of West Bengal attempted to grab around 22,500 acres agricultural and homestead land in Nandigram of East Midnapore district for construction of a multi-product SEZ (Special Economic Zone) and a mega Chemical Hub. On 31st July 2006, the state government signed a MoU with the Salim Group of Indonesia (well known as anti-trade union and anti-worker employers under the Suharto regime) for this purpose. Since then, peasants and fishermen communities of Nandigram have been strongly opposing such despotic acquisition of village land in the name of industrialisation.

Initially, the villagers formed two independent people's organisations named "Gana Unnayan and Jana Adhikar Sangram Samity" (Association for Mass Development and People's Rights) and "Krishi Jami O Janaswartha Raksha Committee" (Committee for Protection of Agricultural Lands and Public Interest) to protect their life and livelihoods. Later on, two committees merged to form the "Bhumi Uchched Pratirodh Committee" (BUPC) (Committee to Resist Eviction from Land) to prevent any move to acquire land for the proposed SEZ and the state government even as CPI(M) cadres flexed their muscles and drew a battle line with the infuriated villagers.

On 29th December 2006, a public meeting was called up by Mr. Lakshman Seth, the Chairperson of Haldia Development Authority (HDA) and CPI (M) MP, at Nandigram Bus stand to convince the local people in favour of land acquisition. But the villagers strongly raised their voice of protest against this unilateral decision of the government. In the face of people's dissent, on 2nd January 2007, a notice was officially issued by HDA that initially about 14,500 acres of land would be acquired. The notice mentioned the names of total 29 moujas at the Nandigram-1 and Khejuri-2 blocks that had primarily been sort listed for the Salim-promoted chemical hub which included 5 Gram Panchayats in Nandigram-1 block namely 10 No. Sonachura, 9 No. Kalicharanpur, 3 No. Kendemari, 2 No. Muhammadpur and 1 No. Vekutia and Khejuri GP in Khejuri-2 Block having a population of nearly 60-70,000 people. This notice with the list of earmarked moujas was sent to the concerned Gram Panchayats by the HDA.

In an Interim Report of the Citizen's Committee led by Prof. Sumit Sarkar and others on their fact finding in Nandigram, it was stated, "At Nandigarm, all sections of the village people that we met, women as well as men, vociferously expressed bitter anger about the land acquisition process. They had heard rumours of land acquisition for the last year and a half, and had organised themselves to resist it. They had not been consulted at any stage, nor had any elected body (panchayats or gram sansads) been called to discuss the issue. On 3 January, people went to the Gram Panchayat office at Kalicharanpur to ask for information about a notice that had been reportedly issued by the Haldia Development Authority. They had heard that about thirty eight mouzas would be engrossed within the land earmarked for the SEZ under the Salim group. On being told by the Pradhan that no information had come, they demonstrated peacefully and left. They alleged that soon afterwards, the police attacked them with lathis and teargas and then fired upon them. Four people were badly injured.

A large crowd, including many women, carrying household implements like sharp knives, then came out and there was an hour-long confrontation, after which the police retreated in some confusion. According to eyewitnesses among villagers at Bhuta More, a police jeep drove off course and hit a lamppost while trying to escape. The jeep got completely burnt through the ensuing electric short circuit, a policeman fell out into a pond and another tripped on the road and fell. The villagers rescued them and, after a light beating, sent them back. They had left behind a rifle that was subsequently sent back to the Thana. Immediately, villagers began to erect barricades, bridges were broken and roads dug up to prevent the entry of the police and of CPM cadres into the villages. We saw hundreds of such barricades which are still in place."

Untruth 2: CPI (M) members and supporters were driven out of the area. Two thousand and five hundred people were driven out of the area. More than a thousand people are sheltering in relief camps outside the area ... Those who did not go along with their (i.e. TMC, Naxalites) disruptive activities were targeted.

Truth: Nandigram traditionally has been a left citadel, voting time and again for successive Left Front Governments in the state. The Nandigram assembly seat is held by the CPI while the Haldia Lok Sabha seat belongs to the CPI(M). In last Panchayat election CPI(M) won 55 seats and CPI got 20 seats in total 136 seats of Nandigram-1 block. In total 23 seats of Panchayat Samity, 16 seats belong to the left parties. But faced with the apprehension of losing their land and abode to proposed SEZ, thousands of villagers organised themselves into a single body to resist the looming eviction. A team of PBKMS visited Nandigram on 22-24 January to ascertain the situation. We found that a huge numbers of former CPI(M) members and supporters are dourly discontented against the party and the Government.

Pratap Chandra Mondal, s/o Bhaku Chandra Mondal, of Sonachura said, "I supported the CPI(M) and was the President of the Shiksha Karmi Union. Now, I am actively supporting the movement. They are forcefully taking away land for business interests. We want industry but not SEZ. Because in SEZ there are no labour laws, no minimum wages etc. The CPI(M) came to power because they represented the working class and now they have become enemies of the working class. They are anyway taking more land than required for all these industries. The movement against land acquisition is not going to stop on any verbal promises; we want only written agreement that they won't take land".

The Citizens' Committee's Report tallied with our findings. It stated,"Our impression was that the people of Nandigram are prepared for a very hard struggle. It is being waged with remarkable communal amity and with participation from all political groups, many of whom had been CPM just the other day. “We were all CPM but now we only have our movement”, said a woman: “We do not want to wander around like gypsies, carrying tents on our back". .... ... We also feel that the fury was partly due to the total lack of transparency about the basic facts about land acquisition about which no government sources would inform them. They were not part of any discussion about matters that concerned their lives and livelihood."

Tension gripped in Nandigram while a local CPI(M) office at Rajaramchak was set ablaze on the 5th January by the excited villagers. Some of the notorious CPI(M) leaders have fled the villages, while most of the CPI(M) members and supporters joined the anti-land acquisition movement. Following 3rd January's incident, the CPI(M) set up a number of camps at Satkhanda near Bhangabera Bridge, Pankhai and Sherkhanchak in Khejuri-2 block surrounding the protesting villages.

The CPI(M) cadres set up 'check posts' on the way to Nandigram to 'restrict' the entry of people from outside. Even the journalists alleged that they were halted at different places by the CPI(M) cadres' squad who patrolled the whole area. Arms were being amassed in each of these camps. The plan was clearly one of "cleansing" the villages of dissenters. These camps set up by the CPI(M) were not  "relief camps" for sheltering the cadres "driven out of the area". Quite the opposite, a band of anti-socials were hired from outside, like Garbeta, Keshpur and other places to take possession of Nandigram by disruptive and offensive measures. Civil society's groups as well as noted social activist Medha Patkar were assaulted by these CPI(M) miscreants over and over again. 

Thus the CPI(M) began to prepare themselves to take hold of Nandigram in an organised manner. On 6th January, it was reported by the villagers that Sushanta Ghosh, one of the CPI(M) Ministers and MP Lakshman Seth gave provocative speeches in the area, exciting their cadres to take action on those opposing land acquisition.

Sushanta Ghosh has the dubious reputation of masterminding the CPI(M) operation to convert Keshpur, a TMC based area, into a CPI(M) stronghold in 2000 through "cleansing" operations using anti-socials and cadres. Lakshman Seth has been one of the strongest proponents of industrialisation in Haldia and has been active in helping in forceful land acquisition. In fact it is memories of this acquisition from which people in Haldia suffered a great deal that is making the people of neighbouring Nandigram very wary of the Government's policies.
In middle of all these, to add fuel to fire Benoy Konar, the President of the Krishak Sabha [the Peasant wing of CPI(M)] gave antagonistic statements to the media. He threatened the villagers stating "If they bring weapons shall we stay quiet? If necessary then we’ll surround from all sides all the four gram panchayats and make life hell for them. Then they will understand the fun."  CPI(M) district Secretary, Ashoke Guria reflected the words and thoughts of Benoy Konar, when he said on 5th that "if they pick up weapons and unleash terror then can we be quiet? There will be a political resistance. We have shown enough tolerance. But we have to think of how long we are going to remain quiet."

Inevitably, violence exploded once again in Nandigram. The Citizen's Committee reported, "A police camp was set up on the border between Nandigram and Khejuri. On 6 January, at around 5 PM, villagers saw the police vacating that camp. That night, a launch drew up on Haldi River at the ferryghat there. According to villagers of Sonachura and adjoining villages, a very large number of strangers, fully armed, disembarked, and occupied the police camp. At around 3 AM, villagers woke to the sound of bombs and gunfire, coming from the house of Sankar Samanta, a CPM activist. As they rushed towards the spot, they found the dead bodies of two village youths, Bharat Mondal and Sheikh Selim. When the body of thirteen year old Biswajit Maity was found, villagers, in their fury, turned upon the Samanta residence and torched it, killing Sankar Samanta. Since then, they live under daily intimidation from CPM cadres, expecting massive retaliation. We found village women extremely apprehensive, begging us to spend the night with them." The villagers alleged that the entire operation of mass killing was organised and conspired by Lakshman Seth and his party.

On our visit, we also found terror by the CPI(M) supported goons was incessantly going on. The village people were living in panic. The villagers, particularly women and children stopped sleeping at night as there was always an awful feeling that someone was going to attack them. They could not live their normal life. They were too scared to venture out. Amiya Kumar Maity, s/o Ishwar Ramanya Maity said us that CPI(M) cadres like Badal Garu, Kalipada Garu were stopping any food items to come in vans from Tekahli to Sonachura. They were only being allowed to cross if they pay money.

The CPI(M) goons had been assembling at some houses and brick kilns in Khejuri over last two and half months. They encamped at Chandipur, Heria, Reyapara, Hanschara and other places in Khejuri block. They were also carrying weapons that included bombs, automatic firearms and stocking them at these places. Reports of armed CPI(M) cadres mobilising near the Khejuri side of the trouble-prone area infused fear in the villagers who had taken to patrolling wielding merely bamboo sticks. Rita Maity, w/o Milan Maity of Sonachura said, "We are really scared at night. They come in vessels by the Taalpati canal and threaten us. We don't go out at night. They threaten us that they'll take away everything and burn it." Madhusadan Mondal, s/o Bijoy Kumar Mondal of Sonachura stated that CPI (M) cadres were preparing for an attack again. He told, "Every night there is bombing especially in the Paankhai, Sherkhanchak, Mansingherbar, and Baratla in Khejuri-2 Bock. They come in vessels and throw bombs. In Gobindaji Shikshya Niketan of Gokulnagar, both school children and teachers have stopped going."

Untruth 3: Even after the government categorically declared that no land is being acquired in Nandigram, the Trinamul, naxalite and other elements refused to allow the administration or police into the area ... The repeated efforts to have meetings so that peace could be restored were rebuffed with these parties and elements refusing to attend the meetings.

Truth : There was no genuine endeavour by the government to reinstate peace in true sense. Most surprisingly, before the mass killing of 14th, the police and the administration totally played an indifferent role. The police remained mute spectators during this turbulent period despite the frequent violence by the CPI(M) miscreants over the innocent villagers. The local administration always tried to by-pass their responsibility and the police officers tried to defend themselves that any attempt to edge into the strife-torn villages would foment trouble as the villagers consider police to be "ruling party's agents". But a large contingent of police patrolled the outskirts of the affected villages watching the situation very closely.

No inquiry of the killing on 6th January carried out at the district or state administrative level. Police did not take any legal step against the offenders. Instead, they filed false cases against about 900-950 villagers resisting land acquisition. Radha Bera, s/o Panchanan Bera who doesn't stay there, but works at a launch in Canning, had attempt to murder cases amongst others filed against him. Parimal Kar, s/o Late Manmatha Kar was not present on the 7th night as he was sick but had similar cases filed against him. Khokan Shit, son of Kanai Shit, a Sonachura resident, was arrested by Thekhali outpost police while accompanying a cameraman of Kolkata TV. At last, police was compelled to release him under the pressure put forth by the BUPC activists.

As a matter of fact, the government had been playing a dual role on Nandigram issue from the very beginning. Just after the people's uprising in January, Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee falsely claimed that no notification had yet been issued for land acquisition in Nandigram. Home Secretary Mr. Prasad Ranjan Roy also stated that it was a deliberate rumour. On 9th January, in a major climb-down, CM conceded “it was a mistake” on part of the HDA to have issued a notice for acquisition of land at Nandigram and verbally instructed the DM to “tear it up”. The CM was also categorical that no land-mapping would begin at Nandigram before talking to villagers “down to the grassroots level” and explaining to them every aspect of the project. But the villagers were not convinced by his verbal declaration and clearly asserted that unless the government issue an official notice of non-acquisition of land at Nandigram, they would not stop their movement.

On 2nd March, just 12 days before the mass-killing, CM again confessed his "mistake" stating that "the administration had taken quite wrong steps in Nandigram". In an interview in Kolkata TV, he unambiguously affirmed, "No land would be acquired by force. I have directed the police not to step forward in Nandigram".

The initiatives of the administration to repair roads, bridges in the tension-torn areas in Nandigram fell short as the anti-land acquisition movement workers refused to cooperate till the administration gives an official notification proclaiming that land acquisition would be completely stalled. They also demanded the government first ensure that all camps of the CPI(M) regiment be removed from the adjoining areas. They further demanded to immediately withdraw all the false cases filed against the BUPC members. All-party meetings with the local administration repeatedly failed as no action was taken by the government to win back trust and confidence of the people by any peaceful and democratic means. Not a single demand of the villagers was met and the whole situation remained explosive. As a result the Nandigram impasse continued to persist, adding to the unbearable anxiety and insecurity of the villagers which results in 14th infernal genocide.

Untruth 5: The police entered Nandigram to see that the roads, culverts and bridges are repaired and the administration restored. They were attacked by brick batting, bombs and use of pipe guns.

The state violence over the ongoing people's land struggle in Nandigram reached a peak on 14th March. Around 14 people (as officially announced by the state government, but informally it is estimated that the death toll may rise to more than 100) were brutally succumbed to bullet injuries and about hundreds others were admitted to hospitals in a precarious condition after random firing by the 5000 strong police force at Nandigram. A large number of the deceased and wounded persons were women and children. Innumerable innocent villagers (including children) have disappeared.

During the three-hour long barbarous police operation on 14th, CPI (M) cadres equipped with deadly arms descended in hordes, trailing a large contingent of police and combat forces and refusing anyone, including the media persons from entering into Nandigram and the surrounding area. This is just like an undeclared emergency to unleash a reign of terror by the police and the ruling party cadres in disguise.

A huge battalion of police entered the strife-torn area in the 14th morning, brutally lathi-charged, threw tear gas shells and all on a sudden started firing indiscriminately upon unarmed and nonviolent demonstrators. Many were shot dead while a large number of villagers were injured weltering in blood on the street. Women and children were at the forefront of the protesters and faced the violence the most. Some women were allegedly molested and gang raped. It is alleged by the eyewitnesses that the CPI(M) goons and the police concealed numerous dead bodies.


23 December 2010

Nandigram : The People Who Struggled And Won


By Swapan Ganguly, Paschim Banga Khet Majoor Samity

The Nandigram struggle, a movement that concerned 29 mouzas in the district of Purba Midnapore in West Bengal, started from 3 Gram Panchayats, but has impacted people’s movements all over the world. The movement by the people of Nandigram began when they heard that their land was to be acquired for industrial development. On 31st July 2006, the West Bengal government signed a MoU with the Salim Group of Indonesia for this purpose. The worried people immediately formed two independent people's organisations named "Gana Unnayan O Jana Adhikar Sangram Samity" (Association for Mass Development and People's Rights) and "Krishi Jami O Janaswartha Raksha Committee" (Committee for protection of agricultural lands and public interest) to protect their life and livelihoods.

On 29th December 2006, a public meeting was called up by Mr. Lakshman Seth, the Chairman of Haldia Development Authority (HDA) and CPI(M) MP, at Nandigram Bus stand to convince the local people in favour of land acquisition. But the villagers strongly raised their voice of protest against this autocratic decision of the government. Lakshman Seth rejected their protests and said very unilaterally that the project would happen. On 2nd January 2007, a notice was officially issued by HDA that initially about 14,500 acres of land of 27 moujas of Nandigram-1 block and 2 moujas of Khejuri-2 block would be acquired. It was also announced that the land of Nandigram block would be acquired shortly since the Salim Group would build a mega Chemical Hub (10,000 acres) and another industrialist group of Pawan Ruia would set up a Shipbuilding and repairing unit (2500 acres) there. The rest of the land (2000 acres) would be used for disposal of alluvium dredged from the river bed of Haldia Port.

This immediately caused a lot of consternation amongst the people. A large number of villagers of Garchakraberia gathered at their Gram Panchayat office on 3rd January to express their refusal to part with their land. But their peaceful protest action met with atrocious manhandling and straightforward violation of human rights by the Left Front Government police. 5 innocent villagers were severely injured due to police firing.

This was the start of the Nandigram movement. The people of Nandigram had seen that the Government could use police force to acquire land as they had done in Singur for the Tata Motors project on 2nd December 2006. They also knew that once their land was fenced off, as in Singur , the struggle would be long and hard. They found that the West Bengal Government had not been responding in Singur to the accepted programmes of peaceful mass action. So, they decided to take the more drastic step of cutting off their area from the rest of West Bengal by digging trenches on all the roads that led into the area that was to be acquired. At the same time, all the committees and forces in the area combined to form the Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee (BUPC), an all party formation, which henceforth led the struggle.

This was not a new tactic for Nandigram. Similar digging up of roads and cutting off of the area had been done here during the British period when Nandigram was one of the first areas to declare itself independent of the British. It had been a liberated zone for over a year at that time .

Like the British, the CPI(M) and the police reacted with extreme ferociousness and with a dangerous “jugal bandi” , a well planned orchestra, where the police and the party acted in tandem to suppress the people’s movement. This was to be the hallmark of the Nandigram movement for the next one and a half years. Events of greater and greater brutality followed. On 7th January, when the first deaths took place, police camps at Bhangabera withdrew to make way for a number of armed CPI(M) cadres . These cadres came to be known as the harmad vahini later (a local expression used to denote Portugese pirates who were known for the barbarity). The harmad vahini occupied the house of a well known CPI(M) leader and began firing indiscriminately at villagers who were patrolling the places where the roads had been dug up near Bhangabera Bridge. Four people died including a 13-year-old boy died. 3 people were seriously injured and had to be admitted to hospital. Mob fury erupted and the house of the CPI(M) leader where the harmad vahini were firing from was burnt down. Shankar Samanta, a prominent CPI(M) leader and the owner of that house, was killed.

Tensions continued for the next few months. There were attempts to do an economic blockade on Nandigram- the people were not allowed to take their produce out to sell in nearby markets; people and buses were stopped and searched when they went into Nandigram or travelled outwards; migrant workers from Nandigram who were working in Haldia or in Metiabruz in Kolkata were threatened with job losses. The CPI(M) went into an overdrive to quell the protest. The police stood by and watched
On 14th March, 2007, the police-party jugal bandi reached a crescendo. After meticulous planning, in which party functionaries planned an operation with the police, an armed invasion of Nandigram was ordered. The BUPC, on hearing about this responded with a peaceful prayer. Thousands of people amassed at the “border” i.e. at the places where roads had been dug up, and where the police was likely to enter. They swore they would give their lives but not their land. Children and women sat in prayer or read namaz, with the men folk in the rear, hoping that the police would not be so violent with women and children. What followed was mayhem. Indiscriminate firing, throwing of teargas shells, a violent lathi charge- and then later, forcibly entering homes, raping and molestation of women.

A few cases were reported and documented, many remained undisclosed. In the High Court, there were reports of 3 rapes, 162 injured, 26 missing and 14 dead.  A house-to-house survey of 2754 of the worst affected households brought forth further reports – 59 bullet injuries, 37 rubber bullet injuries, 120 rifle butt injuries, 26 tear gas shell injuries and 2 bomb injuries. 11 women reported rape, 274 reported physical torture, 46 reported violation of modesty, 17 reported sexual torture. The figures were numbing, the experiences we heard when we visited the area were heartrending. The villages were silent; many had fled. The hospital in Nandigram town was in turmoil, with crying women seeking lost families, with enraged people looking for the harmad, with other people looking shell shocked. Most shocking was the evidence that came out gradually that the attackers had consisted of both the police and the harmad dressed as police – uniform clad people with slippers on their feet could not possibly be police! Everyone said that the slipper-clad ones- the harmad- had been the most violent.

Outrage followed from civil society in West Bengal, in India and internationally. The CPI(M) and the police withdrew. Skirmishes continued on the bordering areas – the people of Nandigram villages complained every day of armed attacks by small groups of  harmad, which they had to repel using the force of numbers. The police stood by, a silent spectator.

In October 2007 the reports of attacks and skirmishes began to increase.. By the first week of November, it was obvious that an army of the harmad had entered the Nandigram villages and was going to recapture the area.  The villages were cordoned off and gangs of CPI(M) supporters attacked all of us who wanted to go into the villages. Again the police stood by, a willing accomplice. It was only after about 10 days of these happenings that we were able to visit the villages. Thousands had taken shelter in refugee camps. Villages were surrounded by the harmad – a frightening army of armed men with faces covered with black cloth and red scarves on their heads, the refugees said. Villages were burnt, houses were ransacked. Even women and children were not spared. A spate of rape and pillage followed. The BUPC responded by a peace march of people who tried to return to their villages in a procession. This unarmed procession was attacked by gun carrying harmad. Some of the processionists were “captured” by the harmad  and used as a human shield to invade the villages that still had to be “captured”.

Intervention by the CRPF was finally demanded by civil society and all Opposition political parties. Problems began within the Left Front itself and finally the CRPF presence was accepted by the State Government. It was only after the arrival of the CRPF on the 15th of November that things began to quieten down.

Further horrors kept unfolding. Mass graves were discovered in Khejuri, an area that had been under CPI(M) control earlier. Caches of arms were discovered, but the CRPF was not allowed to arrest many known criminals or carry out search operations properly.

With Panchayat elections close by, the CPI(M) tried its best to get rid of the CRPF and finally succeeded in downsizing the numbers there by February 2008. Voters in Nandigram were convinced that they would not be allowed to vote freely. Sure enough , during the run up to the elections in May 2008, violence again began escalating. A number of reports of intimidation of voters came in. The CRPF was again deployed in a large scale on the voting day. The uncomromising stand taken by an exceptional CRPF officer and the courage of the people there meant that there was a large voter turnout. The CPI(M) lost not just in Nandigram, but in the entire district. This seems to have finally cooled down the terror tactics being employed by them.

Nandigram is the first place where the Government has been forced to back out of its plans for an SEZ. It has become a byword in Bengal and in the rest of the country. People who protest against the Government start digging roads or blockading them as a sign of protest. Those defying the CPI(M) whip threaten to turn their areas into Nandigrams. The first protest adopted by the people of Mejia recently against pollution caused by transporting of fly ash was to dig up the road. At the present moment, the adivasis in Lalgarh and its surrounding areas are protesting against police excesses and they have also blockaded their roads- Nandigram style. They are building up all party people’s committees in villages to carry forward their struggle. The people of Nandigram have paid a huge price, but they have kept their land. And they have inspired others to struggle for their rights.