18 May 2011

Rally Against N-Plant At Jaitapur: Harassment All The Way

The three-day yatra organised by different civil society groups, saw the participation of about 100 people, but at the same time was marred by detentions, harassment and arrests of the yatris by the state authorities. The yatra which started from Tarapur, the site of India's first nuclear reactors, was to reach Jaitapur eventually in Ratnagiri district, where India's largest nuclear project is being planned.

The yatra did not just see people and groups from Maharashtra, but saw people from across the country participating. The yatra saw social activists such as Vaishali Patil of Konkan Vinashkari Prakalp Virodhi Samiti, Banwarilal Sharma, HM Desarda, environmentalists, former Navy Chief Admiral L. Ramdas, former Supreme Court and Bombay High Court Judges P.B. Sawant and B.G. Kolse-Patil, academicians and students, all coming together to express solidarity with the people in Jaitapur who have been fighting against the project for five years.
There were five of us, from Haripur, who went in solidarity with people in Jaitapur. Haripur is also reeling under pressure, with the government giving a go ahead to build a nuclear power plant, which would affect lakhs of people and cause huge-scale displacement.
There was a lot of enthusiasm among the yatris, but at the same time, future was uncertain with the recent firing and death of a protestor in Jaitapur, a day earlier.
Day One, 23 April, Saturday- The rally began in Tarapur, under the heavy deployment of police personnel. The rally was addressed by speakers ranging from activists, retired judges and scientists. As the yatra began, the police decided to break up the yatra and detain all of us in Boisar near Tarapur for eight hours without stating the reason. 135 activists were detained for the whole day, and we were let off only at night. Not just that, they bullied the drivers of the two hired buses carrying the yatris into abandoning the trip.
When the police said they would have to detain us till any communication from Mantralaya, we sat on a hunger strike to protest what they called “unjust detention.”
Knowing the fact that we will be detained again, we decided to move in small groups and reach Pen in Raigad district.
Day Two, 24 April, Sunday-All of us reached Pen after a lot of harassment. Interrupting a rally in the morning there, the police detained us again for violating prohibitory orders imposed on Saturday night. Some were arrested and all of us detained for the whole day – under Section 68 of the Bombay Police Act. The repression from the administration thus continued unabated, in the likelihood of a ‘law and order problem’.

Day Three, 25 April, Monday- In a final crackdown on the yatra, the police arrested 13 activists on the last day of the three-day campaign. They were arrested from Shivaji Chowk after they had garlanded Shivaji's statue. They were booked under Section 37 (3) of the Bombay Police Act (prohibiting assembly or procession). All of us were detained and all were booked under bailable offences. The yatra never reached Jaitapur because of persistent detentions of demonstrators at every step. 10 persons, mostly Gandhians decided to go ahead and go to Jaitapur.

Even though the yatra could not complete its entire leg, what it did achieve was to bring people across states and professions together and demand, ‘nuclear energy is unacceptable’. For all of us from Haripur, we take back a lot from this journey. Talking about our struggle with other yatris, most others believed that the Haripur struggle is one of the strongest movements against nuclear energy in the country. Support from other groups renewed our strength to continue our struggle and make it even stronger.

14 May 2011

West Bengal Elections: Change Vindicates Our Stand


Paschim Banga Khet Majoor Samity (PBKMS) welcomes the election results in West Bengal, which have given a decisive defeat to the Left Front after 34 years of uninterrupted rule by them. We congratulate the TMC- Congress combine on this victory. This victory vindicates the stand that PBKMS has been taking for many years now, that the Left Front has become an instrument of oppression of the people of Bengal, and that it has failed miserably to play the historic pro-working people role that the Left must always play.

While the media may project this as a single individual, Mamata Banerjee defeating Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and the Left Front, we know that behind this defeat is the disgust of many people in innumerable small towns and villages with their local CPI(M) dada (party boss)  and his dadagiri (bossism). The Singur and Nandigram struggles have given the common men and women the courage to protest against this bossism, and that has resulted in their resistance to the everyday bullying and terror of the CPI(M), as well as this electoral defeat. 

The CPI (M) had become an arrogant, intolerant party which had only the capacity to line the pockets of its own coterie and had lost the ability to listen to (let alone dialogue with) the working people of this state. There are high expectations from the TMC and one looks forward to their fulfilling this. We look forward, first, to a halt to inter-party violent clashes in our state. We look forward to the TMC establishing true democracy in the place of party- autocracy.  We look forward to the TMC fulfilling the aspirations of the working people in this state for secure livelihoods, better wages, cheap food and for safe working conditions. We look forward to their reversing a Government that was controlled by syndicates or cartels of contractor and industrialists and that was held at ransom by irresponsible Government officials into a Government that responds to people’s needs. We look forward to their dealing sternly with corruption and nepotism in their own ranks, without relying only on the incorruptible image and popularity of their main leader.

We also look forward to the CPI(M) and its smaller partners  playing the role of a responsible opposition, standing by people who are in struggles and raising their issues in the Assembly. It is a historic opportunity for the CPI(M) to cleanse itself internally of corruption and contractor lobbies. Unfortunately, the CPI(M) and its Left Front  partners have become used to being “arrangers” and middlemen between the Government and their own coteries. They have become the proponents of the paiye deba rajniti – the politics of arranging benefits for a few faithful followers. They now have the opportunity to genuinely become a part of working class movements – a role they have totally neglected since their Government was in power.

We look forward to an active Bengal which will continue to voice its disapproval of anti-people steps taken by its Government and we look forward to a Government that will respond with dialogue, instead of subterfuge and bullets to its people’s demands. We look forward to democracy and a better life for the workers of our state – whether through struggle or dialogue.

Mijanur Rehaman , Anuradha Talwar , Swapan Ganguly  and all other members of the State Committee
Date: 13 May 2011

11 May 2011

The Nandigram Archive

Click on the links to visit articles and reports prepared by the PBKMS on Nandigram.

Some case studies on people's response to the idea of land acquisition along with Panchayat-wise figures on land use in the affected area
Article by Swapan Ganguly
Nandigram on the verge of civil war
An appeal issued by PBKMS for support of the Nandigram people after its General Secretary visited Nandigram after the murder of 7 people on 7 January 2007
7 January 2007
A report on people's uprising in Nandigram
Chronology of events in the early days of the Nandigram struggle prepared by PBKMS from newspaper reports. This report was prepared as input for the Ctizen's Fact Finding team that visited Nandigram at the end of January 2007 and that was led by Sumit Sarkar
17 January 2007
A first hand report, with photographs, by a PBKMS team that visited Nandigram between 22 and 24 January 2007 during the early days of the struggle
22-24 January 2007
Report of a citizen's committee led by Sumit Sarkar, who visited Nandigram from 26 to 28 January 2007
26-27 January 2007
Report prepared by APDR and PBKMS after their investigative visit on March 15th and 16th to Nandigram. This report was submitted to Kolkata High Court and was one of the first substantive reports on the March 14 carnage
15-16 March 2007
A preliminary report and appeal issued by PBKMS on 17th March 2007  immediately after the March 14th carnage in Nandigram
17 March 2007
Prepared by PBKMS to counter the propaganda being put forward by the CPI(M) on the Nandigram massacre
21 March 2007
Report of a people's tribunal on Nandigram organised by an all-India citizen's committee
26-28 May 2007 
Report of a door-to-door survey done in the villages by a committee of activists from different NGOs and people's organisations known as Sameekshak Samannaya
April to June 2007
Resolution Adopted in the All India Convention on Nandigram and SEZs, held on 2-3 June, 2007 at the Netaji Subhash Institute in Kolkata
 2-3 June 2007
Report prepared after visits from November 8-15 2007 by a group of social activists, including PBKMS President, to Nandigram after the attempt by the CPI(M) to "recapture" the area through its Operation Sunrise
8-15 November 2007
Report of a visit in April 2008  by several activists including the president of PBKMS to Nandigram in the run up to the 2008 Panchayat elections
April 2008
Letter that PBKMS and the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights sent to the Chief Secretary of the West Bengal government demanding compensation for those injured, raped/sexually molested in the Nandigram incident on 14 March 2007 
14 March 2011

Informal Sector Organising In West Bengal: Points For Discussion


We have seen in these elections a marked increase in the focus on the issues of unorganised workers. It is not as if all political parties are clamouring that they are going to stand up for the rights of unorganised sector once they are elected, but issues that concern us have not been as marginal as they used to be in earlier elections. For example, the word khet majoor or agricultural worker was largely subsumed under the categories of sharecroppers, marginal and small farmers earlier. Now, there seems to be a greater acknowledgement that there is such a group and that their interests are not identical to the needs of other marginal sections in the farming sector. On the whole, political party manifestos also – both Left and Right- have much more focus on the needs and demands of the informal sector.

There has also before the elections been an attempt by various forces to form fronts and to focus on the rights of this huge sector of workers.  Three separate initiatives have emerged – the oldest has been Asanghathit Kshetra Sangrami Shramik Manch (which was formed by unorganised sector worker unions on 31January 2010 and which has mainly focused on the issue of wages in the unorganised sector). Shramik Adhikar Yatra was formed more recently at the beginning of this year to focus public attention on the movements and demands of working people who are outside the party fold. A third attempt has been made by Durbar Mahila Samanvay Samity, an association of sex workers, to focus particularly on the rights of women workers in the unorganised sector. The last has not named its front as yet and has decided instead to initiate a unity attempt between the three, which in itself is a welcome move.  So, for the time being, while the participants in all three overlap to some extent, they continue with their separate identities, though there is an attempt to unite them.

The unorganised sector is characterised by a mountain of problems for workers, with little effective legislation, tremendous oppression and exploitation. These are combined with the lack of organising in the unorganised sector and the fragmented nature of whatever organising is taking place. Attempts at coming together and consolidation of the organising are therefore to be welcomed, especially if we want to change the electoral rhetoric of political parties into real gains. However it is also clear through discussions with the participants in the three fronts, and through an observation of what is happening there as well as looking at their documents, there are certain issues that need urgent discussion and resolution if we want to go any further in this attempt at organising a platform of informal sector workers. These issues are:

Issues:  The effort so far has been to bring a wide range of people together. Thus, there are workers such as sex workers whose first struggle is the very acknowledgement that they are workers.  Similarly, there are women who are involved in unpaid work within the family and whose labour is not recognised as work at all. One of the documents mentions cultural workers, but the nature of their labour remains undefined. At the other extreme are construction workers and biri workers for whom some laws exist and who have to struggle to make these real and effective. Some of the documents mention workers of closed industries, where the issues involved become very different. There is also a range of workers who are self employed and for whom the demands are for stopping police harassment, for capital and other support for their businesses. The relationship of all these workers with natural resources is also different where, for forest workers or fisherfolk or agricultural workers, the manner in which forest, water and land are used is paramount, which may not be true for, say, the hawker in the city, for whom a more important issue is perhaps shelter.   In addition, issues of caste and ethnic discrimination have also been brought up. With the huge presence of women, issues of gender discrimination would definitely be important.

So what ultimately is it that all of us have in common and what are the issues on which we can struggle together? One of the documents mentions three issues, which could form the basis for united action i.e. recognition as a worker, a decent living minimum wage for all, and social security measures. The Ashanghatit Kshetra Sangrami Shramik Mancha had chosen minimum wage as an issue for united action.

From our own experience, we can say that even with a more limited coming together at the state level on the issue of minimum wage, it has been very difficult to translate even a theoretical unity into unity of action at the grassroots level. The question of the issues on which we come together therefore remains very important.

NGOs and People’s Organisations: Platforms that deal with workers rights must be led by workers’ themselves, if they are to truly represent the interests of workers.  Some workers in the informal sector have formed themselves into trade unions which are registered and are democratic bodies. On the other hand a number of more informal formations that go under the broad category of people’s organisations also exist in the informal sector. One must ensure a structure that allows for their representation and one must also ensure that these are genuinely people’s organisations and represent their interests democratically. In the absence of self-organising in the informal sector, a number of NGOs have also played the important role of initiating, promoting and supporting organising in the informal sector. However, NGOs are not people’s organisations or trade unions and this differentiation is very important if we want the platform to be led by workers and to represent workers. A structure which is trying to bring together workers in the informal sector must therefore ensure roles for all such formations as direct participants in the forum or as supporters, in the case of NGOs, but without losing sight of the fact that control must lie in the hands of the   workers themselves.

Donors:  Organising in the informal sector has always suffered from a problem of resources. Many people have resorted to the short cut of taking funds from a donor, rather than relying on funds that have been raised from the workers themselves. As a union that was promoted by an NGO and that has received various kinds of support from NGOs, and that has had to struggle very hard to ensure that we do not become donor controlled, the Khet Majoor Samity has direct experience of the ways in which such relationships and funds can damage a movement, especially when such donors participate directly or indirectly in the platform itself. Donors can often be insensitive enough to even dictate programme formats, timings etc to the workers’ organisations. Even with donors who are not so insensitive, the presence of large funds can distort the platform’s programme, where the availability of funds rather than the initiative of workers determines the activity. The problem becomes most acute when a platform that is used to receiving funds has its funds stopped. This leads to collapse of the platform, and this a ploy that has often been used by donors to control activity i.e. get a platform to depend on money and then withdraw, leading to collapse. There is also the problem of credibility, where the presence, overt or hidden, of donors in a platform or in support of it makes people sceptical and suspicious about the politics of such work, making it difficult to build larger alliances.
 
Strategy: The last issue is one of strategy. What is the platform for: discussions, seminars, meetings, workshops? Or also for action on the streets?  Militancy must be one of the essential elements of any platform that wants to espouse the rights of unorganised sector workers. In the face of a resistant and vested state, advocacy alone will not work, nor will legal action alone. Militant action (albeit peaceful action) has to be an intrinsic part of the activity of such a platform both to pressure the state as well as to break the culture of silence and passivity that envelopes workers in the informal sector,. Hence issues of strategy also need to be discussed and resolved.